Military News

I know that most long for the news about the military. So I have decided to blog the military news. This is the same news our Senior Officers read, all the way to the lowest enlisted personnel. Unbiased/unfiltered it is what it is.

Name: Former Military Chick
Location: Ft Leavenworth, Kansas, United States

I am the daughter of a West Point grad, who died in service to our country. I also had the opportunity to serve at the leisure of our President, in the USAF. Now I am married to one of the Army's finest. He is a Field Artillery Officer, who spent the better part of 2003 in Iraq. He is also a VA Tech alum and thus we need to root for his team. I on the other hand U of Utah chick, so he will root for my team. He is a Redskins Fan. I am a Cowboys Fan.

Saturday, December 10, 2005

"A Soldier's Promise" -- Amazing must read about 1st. Sgt. Brent "The Rock" Jurgersen (part 1)



He winged it.

That was his style. No prepared speeches. No fear. Just speak straight from the heart. That's how he earned his nickname: "The Rock."

His troops, 300 or so, stood in formation at the U.S. Army Base in Schweinfurt, Germany. This was a January night in 2004, and the men and women of the 1st Squadron, 4th Calvary Regiment, 1st Infantry Division, were heading off to the war in Iraq.

The Rock — 1st Sgt. Brent Jurgersen — addressed them and their families. He was 41 then, but he still owned the broad shoulders of the Low Moor farm boy and Central DeWitt High School football star he once was.

Six-foot-three, 230 pounds, mostly bald, which made him look even more imposing. A portrait in self-discipline, he had never drunk a cup of coffee, chewed a stick of gum or smoked a cigarette in his life. "Like a machine," one soldier described him.

Imagine how comforting The Rock's confident voice must have sounded to those nervous family members who had assembled to tell their soldiers goodbye.

He talked about how their lives would surely change. Then, with tears in his eyes, he referred to himself and Capt. Jeffrey Paine, the unit's commanding officer:

"One year from today, we will personally bring these soldiers back home to you."

After a few weeks in Iraq, he realized how difficult that task would be. He also knew it was a promise he might not be able to keep.

One of many

Since Operation Iraqi Freedom began in March 2003, 2,105 American troops have been killed, and more than 15,800 have been injured.

Where among those stark numbers does one place the story of Brent Jurgersen?

Where is the statistical category for an Iowa soldier who is shot in the face, returns to battle only four months later, and then almost dies a second time when his Humvee is blown up?

How do you explain the actions of a man who sacrificed so much, but still wonderes if he could have done even more?

Other wounded soldiers may express different views. Others may not have been so willing to return. Others may entertain doubts about the U.S. involvement there.

Brent Jurgersen doesn’t consider himself a politician, a symbol or a hero.

He’s just one soldier.

And this is his story.

'An amazing lesson'

Sgt. 1st Class Marvin Miller of C Troop was the squadron's first death.

The 38-year-old Miller, described by relatives in North Carolina as fun-loving and devoted to the Army, was shot and killed while on traffic control duty north of Samarra. It was April 2004. The unit had been there for two months.

Jurgersen had known Miller for three years. Jurgersen's wife, Karin, and Miller's wife, Linnette, were friends. The Millers had four children.
Michael Campbell was the second one killed.

An Army specialist from Marshfield, Mo., he was killed that May when his convoy hit an improvised explosive device — known as an IED — in Samarra. He was 34.

The Rock and his squadron pressed forward.

"A funny thing about war is that when you lose a soldier, your heart sinks, you conduct a memorial, you mourn in your own way, and then you figure out in your own way how to deal with it," he wrote in a letter months later.

"But through all of this, the war is still going on, you still have to get up every day and often fight when you are not ready to. War is an amazing lesson in life."

He had work to do, troops to supervise. But he remembered the promise he had made back in Germany.

He already had lost Marvin Miller, a friend and former platoon sergeant. Now he had lost Michael Campbell, one of his own soldiers. They would not be coming home alive. There would be others.

"We made promises that never should have been made," Jurgersen said later.

That's what bothered him the most when he eventually returned home.

He demanded much of himself, and took great pride in his Army career, but above all else, The Rock kept his word.

Invincible

Jurgersen loved being a first sergeant.

He was promoted to the position in 2003, for the 1st Squadron's C Troop, then for HHT (Headquarters and Headquarters Troop), both based in Germany.

Most soldiers need 18 to 20 years to become a first sergeant. The Rock did it in 13.

The rank made him responsible for the health, welfare and morale of 350 men and women. The first sergeant also directs discipline, fitness and training.

But it was more than that. Jurgersen believed he could help change lives. He enjoyed turning someone with poor skills or a negative attitude into a proud warrior.

If a soldier had a problem, he or she went to The Rock. So did spouses, for that matter. His door was always open, sometimes until 2 or 3 a.m. "Sleeping is overrated" was his motto.

"I have never seen anyone motivate and inspire soldiers like Brent Jurgersen," says Capt. Jeffrey Paine, 31, the Texan who was Jurgersen's commander for the three years that they worked side-by-side. "He has an innate ability to understand soldiers and find the right area to talk about or push to get them to excel."

Many nights, after dinner, Brent would ask his wife, Karin, if she minded stopping by the barracks, where many of his soldiers lived. Just to check in, of course. A five-minute visit turned into an hour, then longer. Karin brought along a book. She was a good partner.

"This was his life," she says. "It was my life, too."

She remained in Germany when he left for Iraq. She worried more about his soldiers than she did about him. He always had exuded such confidence.

"I've always thought I was invincible," he says. "I went to Iraq thinking that way, and I thought my guys thought the same, too."

He was in great physical shape, could run all day. He never went on sick call, thought he could solve any problem. Whatever his soldiers needed, he would provide.

In Iraq, he was in charge of a troop that had grown to 450 soldiers and civilians. He also was the noncommissioned officer in charge of the forward operating base in eastern Samarra — called FOB MacKenzie — that contained about 1,100 people.

The Rock knew everybody.

He led and participated in numerous patrols and combat missions, but also tried to improve life for soldiers back at the base.

Everything had to be brought in, from portable toilets to air conditioners. He opened a phone center, a PX retail store, a fitness center, and designed a place where soldiers could relax.

He allowed a group of Iraqis to open a small shop, a barbershop and a diner. "That was a big hit," he says.

Jurgersen is no politician — he says that all the time — but he believed in the mission in Iraq. He believed the American troops were helping the people there. He could see encouraging signs of improvement every day.

But there also was enough violence to make him worry when one of his soldiers left the base. He wasn't concerned about himself, of course. He was invincible.

'No time for this'

On the morning of June 18, 2004, Jurgersen joined an engineering mission north of Samarra. The U.S. troops planned to knock out some berms that insurgents had been using to bury and hide IEDs.

They heard shots. Just one here and there, "and then bullets started zinging past."

Jurgersen took up a position behind a berm, on a hill, and began spotting for two gunners.

The U.S. troops were ready. They had anticipated contact from the enemy.

"As soon as they presented themselves, we pretty much unleashed everything we had on them guys," he says. "They weren't too smart, because they were hiding next to a gas station."

During the fight, something struck Jurgersen in the mouth; he didn't know what. It didn't hurt that much, but it knocked the M-16 rifle out of his hands. He spit out blood and a few teeth.

He felt behind his head, then his neck, but couldn't feel an exit wound.
He heard Spc. Ryan Beasley yell, "First sergeant got hit!"

Jurgersen crawled down the hill, where Beasley put a pressure dressing on his face. The Rock figured he had a cut lip.

"I was pissed," he says. "I mean, I was hot. I was saying a few choice words that I shouldn't have been saying.

"I didn't want to be taken out of battle. I had too much going on. I had soldiers over there. I had projects going on. I didn't have time for this."
He looked in a mirror on a truck, saw that his lip was ripped and that he was missing some teeth. Crap. He'd need stitches. Probably have to spend the night at the medical base.

He was taken to a landing zone, where he walked onto a Medevac helicopter.

Five days later, he woke up and saw his wife.

Something was wrong.

"She wasn't supposed to be here."

Touch and go

Karin Jurgersen was back at Schweinfurt when an officer called.

She remembers what he said: "He told me it was just a flesh wound, he was missing a few teeth, but his smile wasn't all that pretty, anyway."

But the officer had been misinformed about the extent of Brent's injuries. When Karin reached the Army's Landstuhl Regional Medical Center, three hours away, she learned the truth.

A bullet had struck Brent's M-16, breaking the charging handle, and ripped into his lip, just below his nose, then knocked out four teeth, shredded his tongue and lodged in the back of his throat.

He had suffered an arterial wound in his throat. He had bled for more than an hour. He was in a coma and on life support to help him breathe. His airway had swollen shut.

He was in critical condition.

"Is he stable?" she asked.

"Yes," a doctor replied.

That was code. Karin had done enough volunteer work for the American Red Cross, and spent enough time around Army hospitals, to know that "stable" meant the doctors expected her husband to live.
She said her prayers and remained calm. Like her husband, she also prided herself on her ability to handle anything.

"I knew what happens when there's a bullet wound to the face," she says. "But no one can prepare you for what you see."

Brent's entire body was swollen; his face grotesquely so. His eye was swollen shut; there was a piece of shrapnel behind it. To her, it appeared as though someone had stuffed a small animal down his throat, that's how swollen it was.

Doctors told Karin he would probably be in a drug-induced coma for at least three months. She should plan on a nine-month hospital stay.
"You don't know this man," she thought to herself.

This is what she knew, even as Brent lay helplessly in a hospital bed: As soon as he regained consciousness, the first thing he would want to know was how soon he could get back.

The team

They were a team, Brent and Karin. If he was the surrogate father for his unit, she was the mother for many of the soldiers' wives.

Right from the start, she informed his doctors that their mission was to get Brent on his feet as quickly as possible. She knew her husband well enough to know his Army career wasn't finished yet.

She had grown up in Camanche; they met at Clinton Community College. He was the former high school football star. "I never thought I had a chance with him," she says. His eyes attracted her. He was attracted to . . . well, "I'll plead the fifth," he says.

They raised dairy cows at first, in Illinois and Wisconsin, and Brent could have done that forever. But Karin's health worsened — something called Reflex Sympathetic Dystrophy Syndrome — and they had two young children. Running a dairy farm was too much for one person. He needed a new career.

He joined the Army in 1989.

The first year, he didn't like it. He was 27 and accustomed to being his own boss.

"Now I've got some 23-year-old drill sergeant telling me how to manage an $800-a-month paycheck."

But he saw the potential. A person could succeed, and advance, if he just worked hard. He was a farm boy. He certainly could do that.

He moved quickly up the career ladder. First sergeant was the best job yet, for both of them. They could help people, solve problems and direct careers. Karin saw how much influence Brent wielded in the lives of other soldiers. She knew how much he cared about their well-being.

Brent dreamed of becoming a command sergeant major before he retired. If that was his dream, it became Karin's as well.

She figured the Army doctors in Germany had no idea who they were dealing with.

Recovery

Nine months?

He was out of the hospital in 3 weeks.

He couldn't talk well, not yet, but his tongue was mending. Doctors removed three more teeth and rebuilt two others. He endured seven surgeries to repair his face and mouth. He was fitted for dentures.

Doctors removed the bullet from his throat. He had it put in a paperweight.

"I wish I could say the recovery was easy, but it wasn't," he wrote later. "To be honest, it was one of the toughest things I have ever done.

"I remember many nights when everyone had left the hospital, and it was hard to breathe. Oh, I so felt like just giving up. But somehow I made it through this."

The Rock — give up? Not likely.

His daughter Cassie, now 22 and a first-year student at Valparaiso Law School in Indiana, and his son, Chase, now 19 and a sophomore at the University of Dubuque, were in Spain at the time. They rushed to join their father in Germany, and stayed with him in shifts. That boosted his spirits tremendously, and he eventually returned to Schweinfurt to recuperate.

Every morning when he looked in the mirror, the sight reminded him of a teenager with acne, as tiny pieces of shrapnel worked out of his face.

The first few months, he couldn't drink out of a bottle or a cup, only glasses of a certain size. He lost much of his sensitivity to hot and cold foods, and discovered he could burn himself if he wasn't careful. He lost feeling in a large portion of his lip and tongue. His speech sounded slurred, but he could tell he was improving. Slowly.

The Rock occasionally needed to carry a wash rag to wipe the drool from his mouth. That was humbling. But he pushed forward, as always. No fear. No looking back.

The Jurgersens belonged to a church congregation at the base, and Brent's arrival there was viewed as a sign of hope. The military families had attended several memorial services for fallen soldiers. His recovery cheered them.

But Jurgersen was miserable.

Here he was, watching the news, trying to catch a snippet of information about the 1st Squadron. He received e-mails from his soldiers in Iraq, but they couldn't say much, for security reasons. He certainly understood.

The television reports angered him. He saw footage of bombed cars, day after day. Grim reports of U.S. deaths. He wondered: Why didn't they ever show the good work the soldiers were doing?

"He had a hard time enjoying himself," Karin says. "He felt guilty every time."

In between surgeries, he and Karin embarked on a four-day trip to Switzerland and Austria. How could he relax? He was supposed to be in Iraq, keeping the squadron running smoothly and the soldiers safe so he could bring them back home, so he could fulfill the promise he had made to all those families.

"How can you be in Austria and Switzerland with your wife, living in nice places, eating nice food and enjoying yourself when your guys are over there in Iraq, and you have no idea what's going on with them?"

Karin understood.

"We didn't plan any more trips after that."

No debate

They didn't even discuss it.

The Rock was returning to Iraq, to the battlefield, as soon as his doctors and the U.S. Army would allow it.

"With me, it wasn't a matter of if," he says. "It was a matter of how soon."

Karin says her friend, Linnette Miller, the widow of Marvin, couldn't understand it. Karin remembers her asking, "Why would you let him go back?"

Others asked the same thing, including U.S. Department of Defense officials and members of Jurgersen's own unit.

"I think there were more people telling me not to go back than there was telling me to go back," he says.

Their message: You don't have to do this.

His response: Yes, I do.

End of debate.

Karin knew. She had been there the night Jurgersen promised to bring the troops home safely. She knew how much the deaths of Miller, Campbell and others weighed on him.

Losing Andy Houghton was a terrible blow.

Capt. Andrew Houghton, 25, of Houston was badly injured July 10, 2004, when a rocket-propelled grenade struck near his vehicle. Friends and family members maintained a Web site, charting his progress.

Back in Germany, Jurgersen followed his monthlong struggle. He had great hope, but Houghton died a month later.

The Rock hadn't been there when Houghton was injured, but "I followed his battle to survive and developed a bond only wounded warriors can share," Jurgersen told friends in an e-mail. "I was devastated when he died."

How could he not return?

Karin received e-mails from the wives of soldiers, saying how much safer they felt their husbands were when The Rock was with them.

Cassie accepted her father's return to Iraq. So did Chase. Neither said a word to him about staying home. Jurgersen's parents didn't try to stop him, either. They all knew better.

"It's very hard to understand the military dynamic unless you've been in it," Cassie says. "Truly, it's a brotherhood.

"He's mentioned to me before that most of the men are the same age I am. He looks at them in that light sometimes."

According to the Defense Department, about 8,400 of the more than 15,800 soldiers wounded in Iraq returned to duty within 72 hours. Others, like Jurgersen, suffered severe wounds and still wanted to return.

To Brent Jurgersen, this was a no-brainer. Those soldiers were his responsibility, his friends. He had made a promise to them and their families.

But it was more than that. He believed in what the United States was doing in Iraq. He thought the soldiers were making life better for the people there.

Karin says she told Linnette Miller about the night The Rock promised the families he would bring everyone home safely. After that, Karin says, Linnette no longer questioned his decision. She, too, understood.

"Those are your guys," Brent Jurgersen explains. "You can't just leave them with someone else. You always think in the back of your head that no one can do the job like you can."

The return

Back in Iraq, Jurgersen's commander, Capt. Paine, felt mixed emotions.

He didn't want to see his friend put back in harm's way. Yet he knew the soldiers needed him.

"Most importantly, he wanted to come back to his soldiers," he says. "That meant more to me than anything, and I know the soldiers admired and revered him for it."

Finally, the doctors approved.

The Army brass also gave the go-ahead.

And so, on Oct. 11, 2004, a mere four months after being shot in the face and nearly dying, 1st Sgt. Brent Jurgersen rejoined his troops in Iraq.

The Rock was back.

He would lead them home.

"I was also very realistic that something else could happen," he says. "It happened to me once. It could happen again."

Friday, October 14, 2005

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A Father's Quest

Have to tell you this is an amazing family. A story worthy of sharing and talking about with friends and family. - FMC

A FATHER’S QUEST: Joe Johnson went to Iraq to avenge son’s death, but something in his heart changed


By JEREMY REDMON in Husseiniya, Iraq
and RON MARTZ in Lyerly, Ga.



Rifle ready, Cpl. Joe Johnson nimbly stepped around mounds of trash and pools of raw sewage, handing out strawberry Twizzlers to scabby, barefoot children.

It saddens Johnson to think this desperate poverty and filth were the last things his son saw before he was killed last year.

For more than a year, Johnson fought to follow in his son’s footsteps to Iraq. There was a sense of soldierly duty, but what most drew him here was his desire for vengeance.

“I can shoot an insurgent and not lose a bit of sleep over it,” said Johnson, a home builder from Lyerly, Ga. “I think any father would feel a sense of revenge. To me, it would be like someone down the street killed my son and I sat by and didn’t do anything about it.”

But since his arrival less than a month ago, this former Church of God missionary has discovered the children of Iraq. And on occasion they have rekindled the Christian spirit in his heart that was once his guiding light.

This date is inscribed on a silver bracelet on Johnson’s right wrist: April 10, 2004. Spc. Justin Johnson, 22, was killed that day by a roadside bomb. Joe says he won’t take the bracelet off until he returns home sometime next year.

When he talks about his son, Joe grows quiet. He looks off into the distance almost as if he is searching for something. He is not a complex man and at times struggles to express the conflicting emotions he keeps hidden deep inside.

At 48, Joe has a youthful face. He carries a photo of his son in uniform. The two look nearly identical. They were close. Almost too close. Justin worked in his father’s home construction business. They occasionally fought like relatives who spend too much time together.

“We would get into it and he would quit,” Joe said. “He would go out and party with his friends and come into work late and I would fire him.”

Joe was supposed to be in Iraq last year, looking after his son. He wanted to be here the same time as Justin. With seven years of service in the Army and Navy combined, he had the experience. He thought it would make it easier on his wife. She would know he would do his best to look out for their son.

Joe contacted several military units, asking when they were deploying to Iraq. He had no luck until he found a National Guard brigade in Washington heading out. He joined — but then he injured his knee in training and was unable to deploy with the unit.

“It was a big letdown,” he said.

Justin went on to Iraq with the 1st Cavalry Division. He patrolled a Baghdad slum called Sadr City, manning a machine gun on a Humvee.

Joe talked to his son once by telephone before his death. “I thought I would be seeing him in a few months when my knee got better,” Joe said. “What are the odds? I really wasn’t worried about him.”

On Easter Sunday, while he was recovering from his injury at Fort Lewis, Joe got a call from his wife. He had trouble understanding her because she was crying so much. She told him Justin was gone.

Jan Johnson said a change came over her husband almost immediately after he learned of Justin’s death.

“He got mad at God for a while,” she said, sitting in the photo-lined living room of the family home on the outskirts of Lyerly.

“He never stopped loving God,” Jan continued, “but he blamed God for what happened to Justin. I think he just wanted to blame somebody because he somehow felt responsible.”

When Joe stopped blaming God, he started blaming all Muslims for his son’s death. For more than a year the couple talked about his feelings and his desire for revenge.

Finally, Jan said, she told him: “I don’t care if you go over there and kill every one of them. It won’t bring Justin back.”

On the first anniversary of his son’s death, Joe made up his mind. He picked the Savannah-based 1st Battalion of the 118th Field Artillery Regiment because it was headed to Iraq. He said his wife “wasn’t too happy with me.”

But Jan said she knew there was little she could do to stop him.

“I don’t think he’d ever have closure until he went over there,” she said.

“I told my wife, ‘If I don’t come, who will?’ ” he said. “I keep trying to drill in her head that when my time is up, my time is up. The Bible says your days are numbered. God will decide when to bring me home.”


But that does little to comfort his wife.

“My nerves are shot worrying about Joe and Joshua,” she “I told my wife, ‘If I don’t come, who will?’ ” he said. “I keep trying to drill in her head that when my time is up, my time is up. The Bible says your days are numbered. God will decide when to bring me home.”

But that does little to comfort his wife.

“My nerves are shot worrying about Joe and Joshua,” she said.

Joshua, 26, is their oldest son and a Special Forces sergeant. The couple also have a daughter, Joleen Gladney, who is Joshua’s twin, and three grandchildren.

Jan stays busy working around the couple’s 13-plus acres, bordered by the Chattooga River. She also is involved with the Georgia chapter of the Blue Star Mothers of America, an organization for those with sons and daughters serving in the military.

She wears a blue star pin for Joshua, a gold star pin for Justin and a silver bracelet with Joe’s name on it. She also wears a set of Joe’s dog tags around her neck. Justin’s dog tags hang from the rearview mirror of her PT Cruiser.

In recent weeks Jan has become something of an anti-Cindy Sheehan, the California woman who became an outspoken anti-war activist after her son, Spc. Casey Sheehan, was killed in Iraq last year. Jan has appeared on CNN and done other interviews as a mother who supports the war despite losing a son.

“I don’t want Joe over there,” she said, “but it’s not because I don’t support what’s going on. I’ve already lost one. I don’t want to lose another. But my son died trying to give somebody else freedom.”

Ironically, Justin and Casey were friends, Jan said, and were killed just six days apart.

“The day Casey died, Justin called and told me he had just lost a good friend. Justin cried on the phone,” she said.

Joe talked about Justin recently at Camp Taji, a sprawling base northwest of Baghdad. He chain-smoked Marlboro Lights, tipping his ashes into a strawberry red Fanta soda can. His language had grown saltier. He was back in the military again, back to old habits.

Joe’s side of the two-man trailer was Spartan. He had arrived just 17 days before and hadn’t unpacked all his gear or hung up any family photos. He wore the standard desert camouflage uniform. He was so fresh his unit hadn’t given him one of the newer, mint-green uniforms that 48th Brigade soldiers wear.

Joe guards civil affairs missions outside the wire, when soldiers hand out school supplies and help rebuild the country’s infrastructure. He carries a rifle and occasionally mans a machine gun on a Humvee, just as his son did. His unit operates in an area just a short drive from where Justin died.

Friends and relatives tell him he shouldn’t be here, that he should be home with his family.

“They think I’m over here strictly for revenge,” Joe said. “I’d be lying if I said I wasn’t.”

But as he walks the trash-strewn streets of Husseiniya and other nearby villages, Joe finds it somewhat unsettling.

“It feels kind of weird to see the things that [Justin] may have seen and experience the same, minus the combat, you know, that he experienced,” he said.

Joe sometimes wonders what he would have done had he been here when his son was killed.

“I might have just run outside the wire and started shooting. I don’t know,” he said.

Revenge is a powerful motivation for Joe, but not the only one. He is learning Arabic on his own so he can communicate with Iraqis. A thick stack of homemade Arabic flash cards sits by his bed. Among the phrases he has learned: “We are here to help you.”

Jan believes the Iraqi children have helped Joe regain much of his former self. On their mission trips to Ecuador he was always partial to the children.

“I think this has become more of a mission trip for him,” she said. “It kind of replaced Ecuador.”

Joe said most Iraqis he had met expressed their thanks for the Americans’ being there.

“The kids are very appreciative of everything we give them, the candy, the school supplies. And that is another reason why I’m here, for the kids.”

Joe concedes his decision may not have been the best one for his family. But now that he’s here, he feels he’s doing something worthwhile.

“As Christians, we need to stay and help [the Iraqis],” he said. “I hope I can help them while I’m here.”

Meanwhile, a painful process is starting over again. Joshua is preparing to deploy to Afghanistan. Joe said he offered Joshua a deal: He would give up on Iraq if his son would not go to Afghanistan.

“He wouldn’t deal with me,” Joe said regretfully.

“You can’t spend too much time with your kids,” he added emphatically. “It’s just not possible.”

Joe has one other regret. He doesn’t recall ever telling Justin how proud he was of him. When Joshua was promoted to sergeant in August, Joe got on the phone.

“He called to congratulate him,” Jan said. “And he told him how proud he was of him.”

Staff writer Jeremy Redmon’s e-mail address jredmon@ajc.com; Ron Martz’s address is rmartz@ajc.com.

http://www.ajc.com/blogs/content/shared-blogs/ajc/guard/entries/2005/10/11/_rifle_ready_cp.html

Friday, April 29, 2005


funeral photo Posted by Hello


Funeral photo Posted by Hello


caisson carrying my father Posted by Hello

Tuesday, March 29, 2005

Military News EB March 29, 2005

CORRECTIONS

    1. Corrections
    (Washington Post)...The Washington Post
    A March 27 Metro article about changes in Pentagon biohazard procedures incorrectly reported the date of an upcoming hearing into anthrax response policies and who will lead it. Rep. Christopher Shays (R-Conn.), chairman of the House Government Reform subcommittee on national security, emerging threats and international relations, will hold the April 5 hearing. In addition, the article said the Pentagon's public affairs office did not return e-mail and telephone requests for comment. Pentagon spokesmen did not return messages after the changes were disclosed March 25, but on March 24, a spokesman said the Defense Department still was reviewing its procedures and had not reached any conclusions.

    2. Corrections: For The Record
    (New York Times)...The New York Times
    An article by The Associated Press on Friday about a new health care benefit for members of the National Guard and the Reserve misstated the monthly premiums. They are $75 for individuals (not a range of $50 to $150) and $233 for family coverage (not $100 to $300).

TOP STORIES

    3. Pentagon Has Clearer View Of Iraq Insurgency
    (Washington Times)...Rowan Scarborough
    Military commanders say they have a better picture today than they did a year ago of the deadly insurgency in Iraq, thanks to better intelligence collection and analysis.

    4. Marine General Gives An Upbeat Report On Iraq
    (Los Angeles Times)...Tony Perry
    The top Marine Corps general in Iraq for the last seven months gave an upbeat assessment Monday of the U.S. mission in Iraq.

    5. Iraqi Official Says Security Improving
    (USA Today)...Wire Reports
    Interim Interior Minister Falah al-Naqib said Monday that security forces were gaining the upper hand over insurgents and that Iraqi forces would secure the country by the end of next year. “The situation is much better than it was five or six months ago,” al-Naqib said at a news conference at Baghdad's convention center. He predicted that U.S. troops would be able to begin pulling out of parts of the country and that “hopefully, within 18 months at the most we will be capable of securing Iraq.”

    6. Panel's Report Assails C.I.A. For Failure On Iraq Weapons
    (New York Times)...David E. Sanger and Scott Shane
    The final report of a presidential commission studying American intelligence failures regarding illicit weapons includes a searing critique of how the C.I.A. and other agencies never properly assessed Saddam Hussein's political maneuverings or the possibility that he no longer had weapon stockpiles, according to officials who have seen the report's executive summary.

    7. Anthrax Dumped Near Saddam Palace
    (Washington Times)...Charles J. Hanley, Associated Press
    An Iraqi scientist has told U.S. interrogators that her team destroyed Iraq's stock of anthrax in 1991 by dumping it practically at the gates of one of Saddam's main palaces, but never told U.N. inspectors for fear of angering the dictator.

    8. Defense Dept. Will Oversee Acquisitions For Air Force
    (Washington Post)...Renae Merle
    The Defense Department announced yesterday that its acquisition chief temporarily will take over supervision of nearly two dozen procurement programs from the Air Force, which has been operating for months without several of its top civilian leaders.

IRAQ

    9. Talks On Power-Sharing Drag On, Dogged By Violence In The Field And Bickering In Baghdad
    (New York Times)...Edward Wong
    After a wave of violence swept central Iraq late Sunday and Monday, leaving at least nine people dead, the country's leading political parties negotiated furiously but apparently fruitlessly on Monday, a day before a scheduled meeting of the national assembly.

    10. Leading Sunni Drops Bid For Key Iraqi Post
    (Washington Post)...Caryle Murphy and Ellen Knickmeyer
    A leading Sunni politician abruptly withdrew his candidacy for speaker of parliament on Monday, according to his aides, endangering the first planned filling of a top government post in a national unity coalition since the elections two months ago.

    11. Sunni Leader Vows Support For Insurgents
    (New York Times)...Robert F. Worth
    For several weeks, Iraq's most powerful politicians and foreign diplomats have been streaming like anxious pilgrims to western Baghdad, to the vast blue and gold dome of the Mother of All Battles mosque, which was commissioned by Saddam Hussein. They are there to visit Sheik Harith al-Dari, a 64-year-old cleric and tribal leader who has become a leading spokesman for Iraq's disaffected Sunni Arabs.

    12. 3 Romanian Journalists In Iraq Abducted
    (Los Angeles Times)...Reuters
    Three Romanian journalists were kidnapped in Iraq on Monday, Romanian President Traian Basescu said.

    13. Army Leader Offers Upbeat Outlook For Iraq's Future
    (Providence Journal-Bulletin)...John E. Mulligan
    ...After traveling with his West Point contemporary and sitting in with him on hours of secret briefings by midlevel field specialists and their commanders, Sen. Jack Reed also saw Iraq at the threshold of a possible breakthrough. But Reed expressed his doubts more tartly than did Abizaid. "We could still blow it," Reed said of the opportunity to exploit a heartening run of military and political successes in Iraq.

    14. Iraqi Troop Training: Signs Of Progress
    (Christian Science Monitor)...Peter Grier
    Over the past 18 months, Washington's estimate of the number of trained Iraqi security forces has gyrated up and down as if it were a stock market index.

    15. Improvised Explosives Becoming More Common In Iraq
    (The Hill)...Albert Eisele
    They're one of the worst nightmares for American military personnel or anyone traveling with them on the dangerous roads of Iraq, even if you're surrounded by tons of armor plate and moving at high speed.

    16. Picnic Is No Party In The New Basra
    (Washington Post)...Anthony Shadid
    Uproar over armed attack on student event redraws debate on Islam's role and reach.

AFGHANISTAN

    17. Military Upgrading Its Afghan Air Bases
    (Baltimore Sun)...Associated Press
    The United States is pouring $83 million into upgrading its main military bases in Afghanistan, an Air Force general said yesterday in a sign that American forces will likely be needed in the country for years to come as al-Qaida remains active in the region. Meanwhile, in a reminder of the instability still facing the 25,000 foreign troops in the country, a roadside bomb hit a Canadian Embassy vehicle and another car in Kabul, injuring at least four people.

DEFENSE DEPARTMENT

    18. Plans By U.S. To Dominate Space Raising Concerns
    (Washington Post)...Walter Pincus
    Arms control advocates in the United States and abroad are expressing concern with the Bush administration's push for military superiority in space.

    19. Rumsfeld Adviser Describes Successes Of Current Wars
    (Las Vegas Sun)...David Kihara
    Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld's top policy adviser on Thursday defended the current wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, describing both conflicts as successes in spreading political development and democracy in the middle east or central Asia.

    20. NORAD At Turning Point In Mission
    (Colorado Springs Gazette)...Pam Zubeck
    Canada wants to opt out of NORAD’s Star Wars mission, which could foreshadow changes in the way the United States fights the war against terrorism. The two nations are negotiating the first post-Sept. 11 agreement for operation of the North American Aerospace Defense Command, based at Peterson Air Force Base.

ARMY

    21. U.S. Soldier Pleads Not Guilty In Iraqi Man's Death
    (Washington Post)...Melissa Eddy, Associated Press
    A U.S. military court was shown shaky video from a surveillance drone aircraft as a court-martial began Monday for a U.S. tank commander accused of killing an Iraqi man who witnesses have said was already critically wounded.

NAVY

    22. Young Says Navy To Maintain Its Prowess Against Major Powers
    (Defense Today)...Dave Ahearn
    As it shifts to purchasing smaller, lighter and more agile weapons systems, the Navy isn't losing its ability to counter attacks by major powers such as China, John Young, assistant secretary of the Navy for research, development and acquisition, said.

MARINE CORPS

    23. Osprey Aircraft In Final Tests
    (Los Angeles Times)...Associated Press
    The U.S. Marine Corps said final tests began Monday on the military's Osprey aircraft, a helicopter-airplane hybrid that has been plagued by deadly crashes and design problems.

NATIONAL GUARD/RESERVE

    24. States May Follow Illinois' Lead On Grants To Citizen-Soldiers
    (St. Louis Post-Dispatch)...Ed Ronco
    An Illinois program to relieve the financial burden on the families of deployed citizen-soldiers appears to be growing in popularity. Missouri and other states are considering similar programs.

    25. 1,200 Guard Troops Called To Service
    (Miami Herald)...Herald Wire Services
    More than 1,200 Florida National Guard troops, including about 200 Iraq war veterans, have begun reporting for up to 18 months of active duty, about a year of it in Afghanistan helping train the Afghan army.

INTELLIGENCE

    26. Poker-Faced Diplomat, Negroponte Is Poised For Role As Spy Chief
    (New York Times)...Scott Shane
    ...Mr. Negroponte's career has been distinguished by an unflinching allegiance to his government's policies, whether he was helping arm the Nicaraguan contras or lining up support for the war in Iraq as ambassador to the United Nations. As he prepares for Senate confirmation hearings next month, a central question is whether the traits that served him well as a diplomat are suited to a post that may require him to tell the president what he does not want to hear.

    27. Bush Approves Tough New Plan To Battle Spies
    (Washington Times)...Bill Gertz
    Nearly 80 Americans have been caught spying since 1985, and the Bush administration has launched a more aggressive anti-spying effort to better combat foreign intelligence activities, according to a new strategy report made public yesterday.

BASE CLOSURE

    28. Lobbyists Work Base Closing Issue, Effectiveness Unclear
    (National Journal's CongressDaily)...Amy Klamper
    As the Pentagon prepares its 2005 base closure list, communities across the country are pouring millions of dollars into the pockets of lobbyists and consultants to shield hometown bases from the BRAC ax. But some defense analysts wonder how much influence these hired guns ultimately have over the Base Closure and Realignment Commission.

    29. Shaw Touts Its Space To Grow
    (Columbia (SC) State)...Chuck Crumbo
    Vermont’s Green Mountain Boys could be flying to the rescue of Shaw Air Force Base. The Vermont Air National Guard has an F-16 fighter unit at the Sumter base, ready to intercept a terrorist attack against U.S. cities. Its presence underlines the need to keep Shaw open in the post-9/11 world, advocates say.

STATE DEPARTMENT

    30. U.S. Says Rights Are Key To Relations
    (Washington Post)...Glenn Kessler
    The State Department, releasing an annual report on its efforts to promote human rights and democracy, declared yesterday that upholding human rights will be key to assessing relations with other countries. But the report sidestepped mention of U.S. prison abuse scandals in Iraq and Afghanistan, which had prompted a delay in the report last year.

VETERANS

    31. S. Florida VA Hospitals Brace For A Wave Of Post-Traumatic Stress Cases
    (Fort Lauderdale Sun-Sentinel)...Mike Clary
    ...As more soldiers return from the war zone, some from second tours of duty, mental-health counselors with the Veterans Affairs Department in Broward, Palm Beach and Miami-Dade counties are bracing for a growing tide of men and women suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder.

ASIA/PACIFIC

    32. US Pacific Cmdr Worried About China Military Expansion
    (Wall Street Journal (WSJ.com))...Associated Press
    A month after assuming command of U.S. forces in the Pacific, Adm. William J. Fallon Tuesday voiced apprehension about China's military expansion and its intentions toward Taiwan, while promising "whatever assets we may have" to Southeast Asian allies fighting terrorists.

    33. China Flexes Economic Muscle Throughout Burgeoning Africa
    (Wall Street Journal)...Karby Leggett
    ...Today, China's influence in Ethiopia is overwhelming. Its embassy is among the largest in the country and hosts more high-level visits than any Western mission. Chinese companies have become a dominant force, building highways and bridges, power stations, mobile-phone networks, schools and pharmaceutical plants. More recently, they have begun exploring for oil and building at least one Ethiopian military installation.

    34. Washington Upgrades Ties With New Delhi
    (London Financial Times)...Farhan Bokhari and Ray Marcelo
    Washington has given its clearest support yet for New Delhi's ambitions to become a leading power by offering to sell India jet fighters, share civilian nuclear and space technology, and co-operate with energy policy.

    35. Kyrgyzstan Forms Makeshift Government
    (Washington Post)...Karl Vick
    Prospects for political stability in this Central Asian country rose Monday as most major political leaders agreed on which of two competing parliaments had the right to rule, and the winning chamber quickly endorsed an interim president.

EUROPE

    36. EU Poised To Increase Competition In Military Contracts This Year
    (London Financial Times)...George Parker
    Defence ministers are set to take the first steps towards opening up Europe's Euros 30bn (Dollars 39bn, Pounds 21bn) annual military equipment market to cross-border competition, it was claimed at the weekend.

MIDEAST

    37. Syria Reduces Troop Presence To 8,000
    (Los Angeles Times)...Unattributed
    Syria has cut back its troops in Lebanon to 8,000, its lowest level in three decades, as 2,000 soldiers returned home in recent days, the Lebanese military said.

OPINION

    38. Money Drives Rumsfeld's Changes
    (London Financial Times)...Dov Zakheim
    ...Lost in the debate over both the size of the budget and the wisdom of such reductions is the fact that the proposed budget nevertheless has virtually guaranteed that "defence transformation" is no longer a slogan but a reality.

    39. Build Missile Defense Before It's Too Late
    (Boston Globe)...Jeff Kueter
    If there was any doubt remaining about why the United States needs a missile defense system, it was dispelled recently by the actions of North Korea.

    40. The Other Iraq War
    (Washington Times)...Arnold Beichman
    There is another war going on today in Iraq about which little is heard. It is a war against Christianity.

    41. Wolfowitz And Indonesia: What The Record Shows -- (Letter)
    (New York Times)...Joseph Nevins
    Re "Similar Résumé, Different Decade" (Business Day, March 22): I disagree with the suggestion that Paul D. Wolfowitz championed human rights in illegally occupied East Timor as the Reagan administration's ambassador to Indonesia.

    42. Law Of The Sea Treaty Debated -- (Letters)
    (Washington Times)...Christopher C. Horner; George Galdorisi, Scott C. Truver
    David B. Rivkin Jr. and Lee A. Casey are correct that most reasons prompting President Reagan to reject the Law of the Sea Treaty (LOST) remain present ("Ratifying sea treaty a mistake," Op-Ed, Friday).

    43. Concern Over Mental Care For Iraq War Vets -- (Letter)
    (Los Angeles Times)...Bruce L. Kagan
    The Times account of decreased funding for veterans' mental healthcare (March 20) leaves the impression that the state of this care is a matter of "debate."

EDITORIAL

    44. Fuel For South Asia's Arms Race
    (New York Times)...Editorial
    The United States has far better ways to reward Pakistan for its helpful but selective pressure on Al Qaeda and the Taliban than President Bush's decision last week to break with 15 years of policy and sell Pakistan high-performance fighters whose only plausible use is to threaten India.

    45. Warplanes For South Asia
    (Wall Street Journal)...Editorial
    The Bush Administration's decision to sell F-16s to Pakistan is being criticized in some circles, though notably in the U.S., rather than in India as you might expect. New Delhi has raised some objections but its more substantive response has been that it may consider purchasing a more sophisticated U.S. jet fighter, the F-18, and is ready for an expanded strategic relationship.

    46. It's Time To Close More Bases
    (San Francisco Chronicle)...Editorial
    ...It's time to accept that a smaller military brings benefits, not losses. Local communities win back control over vital acreage, tax rolls revive and new opportunities can replace the lost work. There's life after the military.

    47. American Homicide
    (Boston Globe)...Editorial
    ...The 31 detainee deaths, the interrogation techniques described by the International Red Cross as tantamount to torture, and the Abu Ghraib abuse have been a disaster for the reputation of the United States. Bush should have long since fired those officials, including Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, who permitted this to occur through vague or contradictory orders on the treatment of detainees.

    48. Injured Veterans Fight On A Second Front
    (Miami Herald)...Editorial
    Military veterans who fight and are injured in service to their country shouldn't have to come home and fight to get disability benefits.


#1

Washington Post
March 29, 2005
Pg. 2

Corrections

A March 27 Metro article about changes in Pentagon biohazard procedures incorrectly reported the date of an upcoming hearing into anthrax response policies and who will lead it. Rep. Christopher Shays (R-Conn.), chairman of the House Government Reform subcommittee on national security, emerging threats and international relations, will hold the April 5 hearing. In addition, the article said the Pentagon's public affairs office did not return e-mail and telephone requests for comment. Pentagon spokesmen did not return messages after the changes were disclosed March 25, but on March 24, a spokesman said the Defense Department still was reviewing its procedures and had not reached any conclusions.

Editor's Note: The article referred to appeared in the Current News Early Bird, March 27, 2005.


New York Times
March 29, 2005

Corrections: For The Record

An article by The Associated Press on Friday about a new health care benefit for members of the National Guard and the Reserve misstated the monthly premiums. They are $75 for individuals (not a range of $50 to $150) and $233 for family coverage (not $100 to $300).

Editor's Note: The article referred to appeared in the Military News Early Bird, March 25, 2005.


#3

Washington Times
March 29, 2005
Pg. 9

Pentagon Has Clearer View Of Iraq Insurgency

More criminals likely in ranks

By Rowan Scarborough, The Washington Times

Military commanders say they have a better picture today than they did a year ago of the deadly insurgency in Iraq, thanks to better intelligence collection and analysis.

The Pentagon estimates the enemy force at 12,000 to 20,000 fighters. It is a heterogenous grouping of Saddam Hussein loyalists, criminals and foreign terrorists led by Jordanian-born Abu Musab Zarqawi.

A Pentagon official said there are questions about how many insurgents are hard-core fighters as opposed to "fence sitters" who might participate in an attack but then lie dormant for weeks at a time.

"There are many part-timers who will quit fighting under the right conditions," the official said.

Officials now think that criminals make up more of the insurgents than first thought, meaning many are driven by money, not ideology. And commanders are seeing more foreign fighters because fewer Iraqis are willing to commit themselves to attacks.

The suspicion that there is a large number of semicommitted insurgents was bolstered by the enemy's failure to disrupt the Jan. 30 elections, when 8 million Iraqis went to the polls.

"The evidence suggests the insurgency has been obviously less active in the past month than it was before," said Vali Nasr, a professor at the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, Calif., and author of several books on Islam. "It is possible to look at this and say it is weakening. But whether it's actually defeated or broken or it might be adopting other strategies remains to be seen."

Mr. Nasr said Jordanian and Saudi leaders are encouraging Iraqi Sunni tribal leaders to take an active role in Baghdad politics, after boycotting the elections that effectively gave the majority Shi'ites control over Iraq.

The elections, he said, were "very successful" in starting the political process and in spurring Shi'ites to join the security force "now that they are running the country."

"But in terms of producing a government and a constitution, it has not worked," he said. "Some of the militant groups may be adopting a wait-and-see attitude"

Gen. George Casey, the top U.S. commander in Iraq, told CNN this week that the elections showed that the insurgents are "not nearly as strong or as capable as some people thought they were prior to the elections."

"Since the elections, the Iraqi security forces have gotten more involved and the Iraqi people have gotten more involved in giving us tips, telling us where insurgents are and where insurgent weapons storage sites and things like that are," Gen. Casey said.

The four-star general said the bulk of the insurgency operates in an area of four provinces bordered by Fallujah on the west and Mosul on the northeast.

Gen. Casey and other commanders have tended to downgrade the insurgency, while intelligence officials remain more guarded.

Los Angeles Times
March 29, 2005

Marine General Gives An Upbeat Report On Iraq

His assessment of the U.S. mission draws cheers from troops back home at Camp Pendleton after seven months of duty.

By Tony Perry, Times Staff Writer

CAMP PENDLETON — The top Marine Corps general in Iraq for the last seven months gave an upbeat assessment Monday of the U.S. mission in Iraq.

"I think in the west, we have broken the back of the insurgency," said Lt. Gen. John F. Sattler, who as commanding general of the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force led Marines in the western portion of Iraq, including the so-called Sunni Triangle.

Sattler said he is encouraged by improvements in the Iraqi security forces. A year ago, he said, there were few if any competent Iraqi troops; now there are 5,000, with the number growing. Sattler spoke to several hundred Marines, and his comments drew cheers from the troops, many of whom had just arrived back at Camp Pendleton.

"They're starting to stand tall, starting to take their future in their own hands," he said. "They want to eliminate these thugs, murderers and intimidators."

More than 41,000 Marines, sailors and airmen of the Camp Pendleton-based 1st Marine Expeditionary Force have been in Iraq since the middle of last year. For many, it was their second deployment there.

Many of them are now home and many more are on their way, as the 2nd Marine Expeditionary Force, based at Camp Lejeune, N.C., assumes responsibility for the region. Sattler was succeeded on Sunday by Maj. Gen. Stephen T. Johnson in a ceremony at Camp Fallouja, outside the city that Marines wrested from insurgent control during 11 days of combat in November.

Sattler, talking to reporters as well as the troops, said the Marines' strategy in Iraq has been to convert as many insurgents as possible to helping rebuild Iraq, capture those who refuse to change and kill those who continue to try to kill Americans and their fellow countrymen.

"Often it's an 18- or 19-year-old infantryman who has less than two seconds to make that decision: Is this person convertible or can I capture him, or do I have to kill them?" he said.

Sattler said the improvement of the Iraqi security forces has been remarkable, although other observers have been less optimistic, saying it would take the Iraqis years to provide adequate security. In the early months of the U.S. mission, Iraqi units were hurt by mass defections and lack of leadership.

"Once, we led and they watched," Sattler said. "Then we were side by side. Now they are truly in the lead."

Sattler rejected the idea that, by pulling troops into the hotspots of Fallouja and Ramadi, the Marines have deprived units along the Syrian border and the Euphrates River corridor of sufficient strength to combat smugglers and insurgents.

"We have sufficient forces to accomplish our mission," he said.


#5

USA Today
March 29, 2005
Pg. 7

Iraqi Official Says Security Improving

Attacks target police forces, Shiite pilgrims

From wire reports

BAGHDAD — Interim Interior Minister Falah al-Naqib said Monday that security forces were gaining the upper hand over insurgents and that Iraqi forces would secure the country by the end of next year.

“The situation is much better than it was five or six months ago,” al-Naqib said at a news conference at Baghdad's convention center. He predicted that U.S. troops would be able to begin pulling out of parts of the country and that “hopefully, within 18 months at the most we will be capable of securing Iraq.”

Al-Naqib added: “We hope that next summer, there will be a huge reduction in the numbers of multinational patrols. In some cities, there will be no foreign troops.”

He also warned Iraqi citizens not to hold protests, saying the gatherings were an invitation for a large-scale terrorist attack. His comments came a day after government bodyguards fired on a group demanding higher wages. One person died.

Al-Naqib said the protest was among “attempts to destabilize” the situation. “Iraq has witnessed more bloodshed than it should,” he said. “We are witnessing a situation in which Iraqi blood is becoming very cheap.”

Insurgent attacks continued across Iraq:

* Gunmen fired on a car carrying police Col. Abdul Karim Fahad Abbass as he headed to work in Baghdad's southeastern Doura quarter. The attack killed the neighborhood station chief and his driver, police Capt. Falah al-Muhimadawi said.

* On the other side of the Tigris River, a roadside bomb that exploded near a police patrol in the Hay Al-Amil area killed one policeman and wounded five others, police Capt. Thalib Thamir said.

* In Musayyib, about 40 miles south of the capital, a suicide bomber on a bicycle blew himself up near a police patrol that was protecting Shiite pilgrims heading to a religious ceremony. Two policemen were killed, Capt. Muthana al-Furati of the Hillah police force said. The attack wounded two other officers and three civilians.

* At the Imam al-Khedher shrine compound in Khalis, 50 miles north of Baghdad, another bomb targeted Shiite pilgrims. One person was killed and two others were injured in the attack, Col. Abdullah Hessoni Abdullah said.

The pilgrims were among those traveling to Karbala to mark al-Arbaeen, the end of a 40-day mourning period after the anniversary of the seventh-century martyrdom of Imam Hussein, one of their religion's most important saints.

Last year, suicide bombings killed more than 130 pilgrims at ceremonies in Baghdad and Karbala. Pilgrims are also targeted as they pass through an area south of Baghdad dubbed the “Triangle of Death” because of the frequency of insurgent attacks in that region.



#6

New York Times
March 29, 2005
Pg. 1

Panel's Report Assails C.I.A. For Failure On Iraq Weapons

By David E. Sanger and Scott Shane

WASHINGTON, March 28 - The final report of a presidential commission studying American intelligence failures regarding illicit weapons includes a searing critique of how the C.I.A. and other agencies never properly assessed Saddam Hussein's political maneuverings or the possibility that he no longer had weapon stockpiles, according to officials who have seen the report's executive summary.

The report also proposes broad changes in the sharing of information among intelligence agencies that go well beyond the legislation passed by Congress late last year that set up a director of national intelligence to coordinate action among all 15 agencies.

Those recommendations are likely to figure prominently in April in the confirmation hearings of John D. Negroponte, whom President Bush has nominated to be national intelligence director and who is about to move to the center of the campaign against terror.

The report particularly singles out the Central Intelligence Agency under its former director, George J. Tenet, but also includes what one senior official called "a hearty condemnation" of the Defense Intelligence Agency and the National Security Agency.

The unclassified version of the report, which is more than 400 pages long, devotes relatively little space to North Korea and Iran, the two nations now posing the largest potential nuclear challenge to the United States and its allies. Most of that discussion appears only in a much longer classified version.

In the words of one administration official who has reviewed the classified version, "we don't give Kim Jong Il or the mullahs a window into what we know and what we don't," referring to the North Korean leader and Iran's clerical leaders.

Mr. Bush is expected to receive the report officially on Thursday.

As early copies of the report circulated inside the government on Monday, officials said much of the discussion of Iraq went over ground already covered by the Senate Intelligence Committee and by the two reports of the Iraq Survey Group, which was set up by the government to search for prohibited weapons after the Iraq invasion, and came up basically empty-handed.

After Iraq's defeat in the Persian Gulf war in 1991, international inspectors dismantled an active nuclear program - which had not produced a weapon - along with biological agents and chemical weapons. Much of the flawed intelligence was based on a series of assumptions that Mr. Hussein reconstituted those programs after inspectors left the country under duress in 1998.

But in retrospect, those assumptions by American and other intelligence analysts turned out to be deeply flawed, even though some of Mr. Hussein's own commanders said after they were captured in 2003 that they also believed the government held some unconventional weapons. It was a myth Mr. Hussein apparently fostered to retain an air of power.

The discovery of the false assumptions forced Mr. Bush to appoint, somewhat reluctantly, the Commission on the Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction, which has operated largely in secret under the direction of Laurence H. Silberman, a senior judge on the United States Court of Appeals, and former Governor Charles S. Robb of Virginia.

According to officials who have scanned the document, the unclassified version of the report makes a "case study" of the National Intelligence Estimate on Iraq, the major assessment that the intelligence agencies produced at the White House's behest - in a hurried few weeks - in 2002.

After the Iraq invasion in March 2003, the White House was forced to declassify part of the intelligence estimate, including the footnotes in which some agencies dissented from the view that Mr. Hussein had imported aluminum tubes in order to make centrifuges for the production of uranium, or possessed mobile biological weapons laboratories.

The report particularly ridicules the conclusion that Mr. Hussein's fleet of "unmanned aerial vehicles," which had very limited flying range, posed a major threat. All of those assertions were repeated by Mr. Bush, Vice President Dick Cheney and other senior officials in the prelude to the war. To this day, Mr. Cheney has never backed away from his claim, repeated last year, that the "mobile laboratories" were probably part of a secret biological weapons program, and his office has repeatedly declined to respond to inquiries about whether the evidence has changed his view.

One issue the commission grappled with is whether the intelligence agencies failed to understand what was happening inside Iraq after the inspectors left in 1998, a period that David Kay, the first head of the Iraq Survey Group, referred to last year as a time when the country headed into a "vortex of corruption." Mr. Kay, who also testified before the commission, said Mr. Hussein's scientists had faked some of their research and development programs, and Mr. Hussein was reported by his aides to be increasingly divorced from reality.

One defense official who had been briefed on an early draft of the report said Monday that one of its conclusions was that "human intelligence left a lot to be desired" in the global war against terror.

The official also indicated that there was already considerable anxiety about the final report and its recommendations. "We're all wondering what it will say," said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the report had not been publicly released yet. "We all know there were shortcomings before 9/11," the official said. "Will this report take into account what we've done since then?"

The commission's mandate was to examine the intelligence agencies' ability to "collect, process, analyze and disseminate information concerning the capabilities, intentions and activities of foreign powers." Besides Iraq, Iran and North Korea, that mandate covered terrorist groups and private nuclear black market networks created by Dr. A. Q. Khan, the Pakistani scientist.

The classified version of the report is particularly critical of American failures to penetrate Iran's program, and notes how much of the assessment of the size of North Korea's suspected nuclear arsenal is based on what one official called "educated extrapolation." Officials and outside experts who were interviewed by the commission or its staff said they had been asked at length about the absence of reliable human intelligence sources inside both countries.

The commission's conclusions, if made public, may only fuel the arguments now heard in Beijing, Seoul and the capitals of Europe that an intelligence system that so misjudged Iraq cannot be fully trusted when it comes to the assessments of how much progress has been made by North Korea and Iran. North Korea has boasted of producing weapons - but has never tested them - and Iran has now admitted to covering up major elements of its nuclear program, even though it denies that it is building weapons.

The nine-member commission has met formally a dozen times at its offices in Arlington, Va., and in November visited Mr. Bush at the White House to speak with him and his staff. It had formal meetings with most top administration intelligence and foreign policy officials and interviewed former C.I.A. directors and academic experts on weapons proliferation. The commission, which has a professional staff of more than 60 people, mostly longtime mid-level intelligence professionals, has had access to even the most secret government documents.

All the sessions have been closed to the news media and the public, and the commission members and staff have been tight-lipped about the contents of their report.

"We and the staff have made a commitment in blood not to discuss the report in advance," said Walter B. Slocombe, a former defense official and member of the commission.

David Johnston and Anne E. Kornblut contributed reporting for this article.


#7

Washington Times
March 29, 2005
Pg. 1

Anthrax Dumped Near Saddam Palace

Fearful Iraqi scientist didn't tell inspectors

By Charles J. Hanley, Associated Press

An Iraqi scientist has told U.S. interrogators that her team destroyed Iraq's stock of anthrax in 1991 by dumping it practically at the gates of one of Saddam's main palaces, but never told U.N. inspectors for fear of angering the dictator.

Rihab Rashid Taha's decision in 2003 to remain silent stoked suspicions of those who contended Iraq still harbored biological weapons, contributing to the U.S. decision to invade Iraq two years ago this month.

"Whether those involved understood the significance and disastrous consequences of their actions is unclear," the CIA-led Iraq Survey Group says of Mrs. Taha and colleagues in its final report on the search for Iraq weapons. "These efforts demonstrate the problems that existed on both sides in establishing the truth."

The anthrax mystery had bedeviled U.N. inspectors since the 1990s, when Iraqis said that they had made 2,191 gallons of the bacterial substance before the 1991 Gulf War.

Anthrax is considered highly suited for biowarfare because its spores are easily produced, durable and deadly when inhaled.

The Iraqis said they destroyed all of the anthrax in mid-1991 at their bioweapons center at Hakam, 50 miles southwest of Baghdad.

The U.N. specialists, who scoured Iraq for banned arms from 1991 to 1998 and again in 2002 and 2003, confirmed anthrax had been dumped at Hakam. But they also found indications that Iraq had produced an additional, undeclared 1,800 gallons of anthrax.

In early 2003, chief inspector Hans Blix put the seeming discrepancy high on his list of Iraq's "unresolved disarmament issues," complaining that Iraqis must be withholding information. Secretary of State Colin L. Powell dwelled on an anthrax threat in his February 2003 speech seeking U.N. Security Council authority for war.

But the mystery of the missing anthrax appears to have been resolved in a little-noted section of the Iraq Survey Group report, a 350,000-word document issued Oct. 6.

The British-educated Mrs. Taha, who ran the Hakam complex in the 1980s, told interrogators her staff carted off anthrax from Hakam in April 1991 and stored it in a bungalow near the presidential palace at Radwaniyah, 20 miles west of Baghdad, the U.S. teams report.

Later that year, the crew dumped the chemically deactivated anthrax on grounds surrounded by a Special Republican Guard barracks near the palace, the report says.

Australian microbiologist Rod Barton, who took part in Iraq Survey Group interrogations, said in a recent Australian Broadcasting Corp. interview that the disposal was carried out in July 1991, when Iraqi orders were issued to destroy all bioweapons agents immediately.

Then, through the years, Mrs. Taha and other Iraqi officials denied the "missing" anthrax ever existed.

"The members of the program were too fearful to tell the regime that they had dumped deactivated anthrax within sight of one of the principal presidential palaces," the Iraq Survey Group says.


#8

Washington Post
March 29, 2005
Pg. E1

Defense Dept. Will Oversee Acquisitions For Air Force

By Renae Merle, Washington Post Staff Writer

The Defense Department announced yesterday that its acquisition chief temporarily will take over supervision of nearly two dozen procurement programs from the Air Force, which has been operating for months without several of its top civilian leaders.

This "action is not a punitive one, rather it is meant to assist the Air Force by overseeing and providing advice on important Air Force programs during a time of transition," Michael Wynne, the Pentagon's undersecretary for acquisition, technology and logistics, said in a statement.

Wynne will make major decisions on the programs until a new Air Force secretary is in place, the statement said.

The 21 programs, worth about $200 billion, include missile and space projects as well as Lockheed Martin Corp.'s $6.23 billion C-130J Hercules and Boeing Co.'s $59.21 billion C-17 Globemaster cargo plane programs. The Air Force's two largest weapons systems, the F/A-22 jet and F-35 Joint Strike Fighter, already are supervised by the Defense Department.

The Air Force's acquisition process has been under scrutiny since a former top procurement official, Darleen A. Druyun, admitted showing Boeing favoritism before taking a job with the aerospace giant. For example, Druyun told prosecutors she showed Boeing favoritism in the competition for the C-130 modernization program. Last month, the Government Accountability Office recommended and the Air Force agreed to hold a new competition for at least part of the contract.

Two of the Air Force's top civilian leaders -- Secretary James G. Roche and Marvin R. Sambur, the acquisitions chief -- resigned last year following controversy over a program to lease and then buy tanker aircraft from Boeing. The Air Force also needs to replace former undersecretary Peter B. Teets, who oversaw space programs, and served as acting secretary until his retirement last week.

Michael L. Dominguez, the assistant secretary for manpower and reserve affairs, is now the acting Air Force secretary.

The White House declined to comment on when it would nominate a new Air Force secretary and it is unclear how long the arrangement will last. The Pentagon asked the Air Force to provide a list of all significant decisions scheduled during the next six months.

The Air Force said in a statement that it "welcomes [the Pentagon's] guidance and oversight."

"There are just not the people there that can sign the necessary documents," said Brett Lambert, a defense industry consultant. "There needs to be a clear line of authority for decision making.

"The way that all of the secretaries have been treated recently, I am not sure there is a long line of applicants for any job," Lambert added. "It's a very difficult position. This administration really wanted to give the secretaries a lot of power and teeth in a corporate perspective. The unintended consequence of that is that they had a lot more scrutiny and politicalization than they have before."



#9

New York Times
March 29, 2005

Talks On Power-Sharing Drag On, Dogged By Violence In The Field And Bickering In Baghdad

By Edward Wong

BAGHDAD, Iraq, March 28 - After a wave of violence swept central Iraq late Sunday and Monday, leaving at least nine people dead, the country's leading political parties negotiated furiously but apparently fruitlessly on Monday, a day before a scheduled meeting of the national assembly.

The violence was concentrated in an area south of Baghdad known as the Triangle of Death for the regularity with which Iraqi civilians and security personnel are gunned down. With Shiite pilgrims now heading through the area to Karbala for a religious festival, attacks on them are expected to increase.

Three Romanian journalists were abducted Monday, according to Romania's president, Traian Basescu, who did not say where the kidnapping occurred. The three work for Prima TV, part of the Romanian Satellite Network.

As the 275-member assembly prepared to hold its second meeting, two months after general elections, it appeared that the top politicians had failed to reach any deal to install a government.

At best, the assembly is expected to select a speaker and two deputy speakers, said Adnan Pachachi, a leading Sunni Arab politician.

But even that looked doubtful on Monday afternoon, after the leading candidate for speaker, the current interim president, Sheik Ghazi al-Yawer, turned down the job, according to his personal secretary, Ahmad Najati. The leaders of the top parties were meeting Monday evening to discuss the issue.

The leading Shiite bloc, the United Iraqi Alliance, was trying to put forward Fawaz al-Jarba, a Sunni Arab candidate from its group.

But some politicians have expressed resistance to having a member of the alliance, even a Sunni, take on the job of assembly speaker, because the alliance already dominates the assembly and is expected to secure the post of prime minister.

Even if the assembly manages to appoint a speaker, it will still face a number of hurdles, some potentially of much greater significance.

The first will come when the assembly appoints a president and two vice presidents who, according to the transitional law approved a year ago, must choose a prime minister within two weeks.

The assembly, chosen Jan. 30 in elections that produced a wave of optimism, held a largely ceremonial meeting on March 16 but has not met since.

As talks to form a government have dragged on, that optimism has eroded, and work at some ministries has slowed. Many Iraqis are clamoring for the speedy appointment of a government to suppress the continuing violence and improve basic services, especially electricity.

The factions have been haggling over cabinet positions and the control of oil fields.

Mr. Pachachi said leading Sunni Arab parties had come together in a group called the Front of the Iraqi Political Forces, which has appointed five politicians to take part in talks with the Shiites and Kurds, and had met separately with the Shiite and Kurdish blocs last week.

The Sunni Arab groups want at least the same number of ministry positions as the Kurds, including either the Interior or Defense Ministry, he said. Political leaders say the Interior Ministry will almost certainly go to the Shiites, so that leaves Defense.

"I think we made a point that it should not be less than what the Kurds have," Mr. Pachachi said.

The Kurds and the former governing Sunni Arabs (under Saddam Hussein) each make up roughly a fifth of the Iraqi population, while the Shiite Arabs make up 60 percent.

Mr. Pachachi himself is a leading contender for one of the two vice-presidential slots. The other Sunni Arab candidates for that slot are Sheik Yawer and Shari Ali bin al-Hussein, several politicians say. A Kurd, Jalal Talabani, will likely be chosen president at some point, and a Shiite Arab is expected to take the other vice presidency.

But violence shadows all the political deliberations.

In Baghdad on Sunday, gunmen fired on a car carrying a police officer, Col. Abdul Karim Fahad Abbas, killing him and his driver as he went to work, The Associated Press reported, quoting a police captain.

A suicide bomber on a motorcycle rammed into a checkpoint in Musayyib, south of Baghdad, on Sunday evening, killing two policemen and wounding five people, police officials in Karbala said.

In that same area, gunmen opened fire Monday morning on Shiite pilgrims in Yusufiya, killing three, a hospital official in Baghdad said.

The hospital official also said a homemade bomb planted in a Baghdad trash dump exploded on Monday, killing a policeman and a road cleaner and wounding nine others.

A group of cleaners had spotted something unusual in the dump and reported it. When the police came to check out the scene, the official said, the bomb exploded.



#10

Washington Post
March 29, 2005
Pg. 9

Leading Sunni Drops Bid For Key Iraqi Post

By Caryle Murphy and Ellen Knickmeyer, Washington Post Foreign Service

BAGHDAD, March 28 -- A leading Sunni politician abruptly withdrew his candidacy for speaker of parliament on Monday, according to his aides, endangering the first planned filling of a top government post in a national unity coalition since the elections two months ago.

The withdrawal of Ghazi Yawar, president of the interim government, left the Shiite- and Kurdish-dominated coalition scrambling for another suitable Sunni early Tuesday, hours before a National Assembly session that was supposed to select the speaker.

Shiite and Kurdish leaders see an inclusive government as the only way to stop a two-year-old insurgency led by Sunnis, the third major ethnic group in the country. Sunnis dominated Iraq under the government of Saddam Hussein. Many boycotted the Jan. 30 elections that were Iraq's first democratic vote in more than a half-century, and Shiites and Kurds have had trouble since then lining up Sunni candidates for their coalition.

Yawar, tapped for the speakership weeks ago, said through aides Monday that he was no longer interested in the job. Instead, he was willing to take a position on a council that will select Iraq's prime minister, politicians said.

The 275-member National Assembly plans to meet Tuesday morning in what is only its second session. After the elections, lawmakers said they wanted to name Iraq's new leaders and cabinet by the second session.

The camp of interim Prime Minister Ayad Allawi, a secular Shiite, has joined talks over the future government in recent days, one official close to the negotiations said. Kurds, who are largely secular in outlook, have been eager for Allawi to join in their government as a counter to the perceived religious tilt of the Shiite alliance, the largest bloc in the new assembly.

Government officials acknowledge the risk to morale and stability if the Shiite, Kurd and Sunni factions remain unable to close a deal on a government.

Like its largely symbolic opening March 16, the assembly's second meeting is to take place amid extraordinary security measures that essentially shut down central Baghdad. If the assembly does not elect a speaker, it will discuss the rules under which its business should be conducted, officials said.

It is not likely to reconvene for at least four days because of a Shiite religious holiday on Wednesday and Thursday, and then Iraq's two-day weekend on Friday and Saturday.

In Baghdad on Monday, the interim interior minister, Falah Naqib, told reporters he believed his country's security forces could be functioning adequately within 18 months, reinforcing projections from U.S. generals this month of a significant American troop withdrawal in 2006.

Speaking at a Baghdad news conference, Naqib pointed to statistics showing a drop of up to one-third in daily attacks this year.

His statement came on a day in which attacks claimed at least 12 lives, including seven people killed when a bomb hidden in the basket of a bicycle exploded on a southern road lined with Shiite pilgrims, police said.

In the Romanian capital, Bucharest, President Traian Basescu announced Monday that three journalists from his country had been kidnapped in Iraq. Two of the journalists work for Romania's Prima TV. An editor there received a telephone call from them saying they had been abducted, Romania's TVR1 television said.

In Baghdad, meanwhile, gunmen ambushed a police colonel at the entry of a bridge in an insurgent-ridden neighborhood, killing the officer and his driver, police said. A bomb exploded near a police patrol on another bridge, killing a police captain and his driver, police said.

In Fallujah, a western city under tight U.S. military control since November battles that were the most intense since the U.S.-led invasion in March 2003, Marines on Sunday began handing out compensation to families whose homes, shops and businesses were destroyed in fighting.

Mohammed Salih, who estimated damage to his shop at $15,000, said he received $3,000. "This builds one room and a bathroom,'' Salih said. "If we stay like this, we won't finish building until next year.''

Special correspondent Saad Sarhan in Najaf contributed to this report.



#11

New York Times
March 29, 2005
Pg. 1

Sunni Leader Vows Support For Insurgents

By Robert F. Worth

BAGHDAD, Iraq, March 28 - For several weeks, Iraq's most powerful politicians and foreign diplomats have been streaming like anxious pilgrims to western Baghdad, to the vast blue and gold dome of the Mother of All Battles mosque, which was commissioned by Saddam Hussein.

They are there to visit Sheik Harith al-Dari, a 64-year-old cleric and tribal leader who has become a leading spokesman for Iraq's disaffected Sunni Arabs.

Mr. Dari, a taciturn man with an air of cold authority, greets his guests in a dim office off the mosque's main hall, which is surrounded by a moat and tall minarets designed to look like Kalashnikov rifles. Then the guests get down to business. Will Mr. Dari, they ask, be willing to help bring Iraq's Sunnis into politics?

Much could depend on the answer. No new government will be viewed as legitimate without the participation of the Sunni Arabs, who largely boycotted the election in January and dominate the violent insurgency here.

But in a rare interview, conducted Monday through an interpreter in his office at the mosque, Mr. Dari made clear that he would continue to view the armed resistance as legitimate until the American military offered a clear timetable for its withdrawal - a condition very unlikely to be met.

"We ask all wise men in the American nation to advise the administration to leave this country," he said. "It would save much blood and suffering for the Iraqi and American people."

The courting of Mr. Dari is part of a broad effort to engage the Sunni Arabs, who make up a fifth of Iraq's population and supplied its ruling class under Mr. Hussein. The Shiite and Kurdish leaders who dominate the new national assembly and are now struggling to form a governing coalition say part of the delay has been caused by negotiations over which ministries should be granted to Sunnis.

Reaching out to the fractious Sunnis has not been easy.

There are dozens of Sunni political parties and groups, espousing a wide array of positions. Iraqi Sunnis have not traditionally rallied around any single figure like the Shiite Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, whose political coalition won a vast majority of Shiite votes in the January elections.

Many Sunnis resist organizing themselves along sectarian lines. Where Shiites and Kurds, who were brutally suppressed by Mr. Hussein's secular government, fell back on their communal loyalties, the Sunnis never had to, and are only now starting to see themselves as a distinct minority.

The organization that Mr. Dari leads, the Association of Muslim Scholars, claims to represent 3,000 mosques. It has joined an effort to ensure that Sunni Arabs be granted leadership of at least two of the six most important ministries in the new government, including either Interior or Defense.

But the new government is far less important to most Sunni leaders than the writing of a constitution and the next round of elections, both scheduled to take place later this year.

And while some secular figures say many Sunnis now regret not taking part in the elections and are eager to help write Iraq's new constitution, others remain deeply reluctant. Winning the support of more militant sheiks and clerics, Iraqi and American officials say, could be critical in forming a stable government and easing the violence.

The imperative has brought a sudden new prominence to Mr. Dari.

Attired in the headdress and robes of a tribal leader, Mr. Dari is a daunting presence. He rarely smiles, and speaks softly, in brief decisive phrases.

Resisting foreign occupation runs in his blood. His grandfather, Sheik Dari al-Mahmoud, is said to have sparked the Sunni phase of the rebellion against the British in 1920 by killing a British officer near Falluja. He joined the rebellion, which had begun with Shiites in the south, and fought in it until he was captured and imprisoned in 1927.

Harith al-Dari has been viewed as a dangerous man by the American military in Iraq. Over the past year, military officials have said they suspected that Mr. Dari was involved in fomenting resistance against American troops in Falluja and even in the kidnappings of Westerners. His house in Khan Dari, a village west of Baghdad, has been raided repeatedly by American military teams.

Lt. Gen. John F. Sattler, who was until recently the top Marine commander in Iraq, said of Mr. Dari, "He's been counterproductive up to this point." But he added that the sheik appeared to be rethinking his position and moderating his hard-line views.

Mr. Dari adamantly denies that he has played any role in kidnappings other than calling for the hostages' release. Asked about his role in Falluja, Mr. Dari gave a coolly ambiguous response.

"The Americans say we played an inciting role in this situation," Mr. Dari said. "Others say we played a good role and helped to calm things down. Either way, we are acting according to our national and religious duty."

Mr. Dari's authority comes partly from his family. In his ancestral home, Khan Dari, his family members have been tribal leaders for at least a century. He also taught Islamic law at Baghdad University for many years before leaving Iraq in 1997 to teach in the United Arab Emirates until Mr. Hussein's fall in 2003. It was only then that he joined the Muslim Scholars Association and attained his current role.

Some other Sunni leaders are clearly irked by Mr. Dari's sudden prominence.

"He's acting as though he were the Sunni Sistani," said Adnan Pachachi, the 81-year-old Sunni elder statesman, referring to the grand ayatollah's almost absolute power over the religious and political lives of many Shiites. "But of course he's not."

But Mr. Pachachi, a secular and liberal figure who has made efforts to organize Iraqi's Sunni political figures in recent weeks, acknowledged that Mr. Dari's word has enormous weight.

Much of that power clearly derives from his reputation as a man who is respected by many resistance fighters. "That perception of him is one of the reasons many find him to be a significant person," said Ashraf Qazi, the top United Nations envoy in Iraq, who has met several times with Mr. Dari.

There are indications that Mr. Dari may be softening his line. In February, the Muslim Scholars Association issued a number of conditions that would have to be met before it would endorse the writing of a constitution and the next round of elections, notably the American withdrawal and the release of all detainees from American military prisons.

On Monday, he hinted that he would be content with a timetable for American withdrawal. Some other hard-line Sunni leaders have made similar gestures.

"We do not insist that the Americans withdraw at once, as long as they stay in their bases and cease to marginalize our political life," said Ali al-Mashadani, a cleric at Ibn Taymiyya mosque in Baghdad. Some political leaders even say the Sunnis, after much bickering, are starting to show signs of a common interest.

"I think the Sunnis are starting to come together as the Shiites and the Kurds did," said Sharif Ali bin Hussein, a former financier and a cousin of Iraq's last king. "We who have more experience in the political arena are trying to educate those who have a more militant point of view. What we are saying is that they cannot continue to boycott the political process; there needs to be participation."

That view is far from unanimous. At a recent conference in Baghdad convened by Sherif Hussein, all the applause was for speakers who praised the insurgency. Some tribal leaders tried to shout down those who spoke in favor of joining the new government.

As for Mr. Dari, he says he cannot be sure how the resistance would behave if his demands for an American withdrawal were met. But he ventured a guess.

"I think Iraqi leaders could speak and appeal to the resistance," he said. "They could tell them: 'If you want to liberate your country, liberation is coming now without any price. So you must save your efforts of blood and money.' "

Mona Mahmoud and Zaineb Obeid contributed reporting from Baghdad for this article, and Eric Schmitt from Washington.


#12

Los Angeles Times
March 29, 2005

3 Romanian Journalists In Iraq Abducted

By Reuters

BUCHAREST, Romania — Three Romanian journalists were kidnapped in Iraq on Monday, Romanian President Traian Basescu said.

"We have alerted all the secret services and the foreign intelligence services of our allies to solve the case," Basescu told Romanian TVR1 television.

Two of the kidnapped journalists, Marijan Ion and Sorin Miscoci, work for Romania's Prima TV, where an editor received a phone call from them saying they had been abducted, TVR1 said.

Also kidnapped was Ovidiu Ohannesian of Romania Libera newspaper, it said.

Romania has about 800 troops in Iraq.

Providence Journal-Bulletin
March 28, 2005

Army Leader Offers Upbeat Outlook For Iraq's Future

Army Gen. John P. Abizaid says self-interest will lead the country's the major factions to eventually agree on a new government, but he shares Sen. Jack Reed's caution that success is not guaranteed.

By John E. Mulligan, Journal Washington Bureau

MOSUL, Iraq -- The commander of American forces in the Persian Gulf said yesterday that he is "cautiously optimistic" about prospects for Iraq's emerging democracy.

But Army Gen. John P. Abizaid cautioned, "It's also possible that the politics could fail, and if the politics fail, it could lead to violence." Abizaid also alluded to a significant worry for the United States when he acknowledged that no moderate leader has emerged to guide the crucial Sunni Muslim minority into the democratic process.

Nevertheless, Abizaid said January's successful elections have brought Iraq to a promising juncture where military, political and economic advances can feed on one another and breed success.

The new government can boost the military struggle against Iraq's insurgents "if it is inclusive and regarded as being legitimate and sets the conditions for writing and approving the constitution and new elections in December," Abizaid said.

Abizaid spoke in an interview near the close of a three-day whirlwind of meetings with his top commanders at U.S. military headquarters in Baghdad, near the devastated western city of Fallujah and in the northern city of Mosul, a trouble spot that is high on the worry list of the fledgling Iraqi government.

After traveling with his West Point contemporary and sitting in with him on hours of secret briefings by midlevel field specialists and their commanders, Sen. Jack Reed also saw Iraq at the threshold of a possible breakthrough. But Reed expressed his doubts more tartly than did Abizaid.

"We could still blow it," Reed said of the opportunity to exploit a heartening run of military and political successes in Iraq. Reed said the in-depth discussions with dozens of key officers in battle zones made him worry that the moment of opportunity might pass -- just as it did in the aftermath of the decisive military victory over the Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein almost two years ago.

"We've already seen where military success has not been followed up quickly by economic development," Reed said, referring to the weeks following the invasion in 2003. "Now that we have seen success, we are all euphoric."

By success, Reed meant the U.S. expulsion of insurgents from their haven in Fallujah in November, the mass turnout at the polls less than two months later and a host of less celebrated political and combat victories.

"But months later, when people see a lack of progress, they could just say, 'Listen, we turned to you to improve our lives, if you can't give it to us, then what are you doing here?' We are in danger of repeating our earlier failure," Reed said.

Reed and many top military officers indicated over the weekend of travel that poor living conditions or indications of American weakness or failure could drive frustrated Iraqis into the hands of the insurgents -- just as the concrete blessings of good politics, public utilities, rebuilt homes and new schools could win them over to the interim government.

Soldiers, civilians and a few leaders of Iraqi security forces made the point forcefully at the final stop on the Abizaid-Reed tour in Mosul. The city of about 2 million has been one of the three or four roughest places in Iraq for months and is a prized target for various insurgent groups because of its economic potential, its location on trade routes, and its exploitable mixture of Kurds, Sunni and Shiite Muslims.

"If this is a matter of winning hearts and minds, then I think we are making progress," said Col. Joe Rooney, of South Kingstown, commander of the Rhode Island National Guard's 103rd Field Artillery Brigade, which has been pressed into duty as a military police unit, training Iraqi security forces.

As evidence of this, Rooney cited the growing number of citizen tips to an anonymous hot line.

"They call in, say somebody's planting an IED [improvised explosive device] in my neighborhood. We go there. We find bad guys and we get them," Rooney said in an interview outside the headquarters of Task Force Freedom, as Blackhawk helicopter rotors whirred on the runway beside Abizaid's Air Force C-17 transport.

"So I think we're getting a lot more support from the public," Rooney said. "But it's a dichotomy, because we're still getting a lot of fighting" -- a sign that the insurgency is alive and well in Mosul.

One way to stop the fighting, Reed suggested, is for the United States to put as much muscle and sophistication into diplomacy and civil works as it does into combat. But he said the State Department is short-handed in such crucial but isolated places as Mosul.

"So what you have now is you've got soldiers filling the gap," Reed said, conducting engineering surveys or planning projects, work that ideally should be done by engineers and planners. Where Abizaid and many of his subordinates see the chance of military and electoral success building up momentum for the new government, Reed sees the possibility of a vicious cycle: insufficient civil resources breeding popular frustration, which in turn feeds rebellious attitudes and leads to violence.

Brig. Gen. Kevin Bergner echoed Abizaid's cautious optimism from his narrower vantage point as commander of the U.S. forces at Mosul, which includes an Army brigade that brings a comparatively new weapon -- the Stryker armored vehicle -- to the fight.

But Bergner also echoed Reed's sense of urgency on the issue of building tangible public works fast, so that citizens can see improvement in their lives and, in many cases, get paid for the construction work.

It's more than big, important public utility projects that won't bear fruit for months or years, Bergner said. "The Iraqi people need to see that this landfill gets fixed in the next two months, not the next two years, so there's an expectation and a need for the Iraqi people to see reconstruction," Bergner said.

"That is an important way to induce the wary majority of moderate Iraqis to jump off the fence on the side of the new government rather than the side of the insurgents," he said.

Abizaid expressed confidence that self-interest will ultimately draw all three major Iraqi groups into a functioning government.

Even though decades of Saddam's iron rule stifled individual leadership in the ruling Sunni community, "politics is the art of compromise and I think the Sunnis can do it," Abizaid said. "I don't think the Sunni community is radicalized. I don't think the Shiite community is radicalized. I don't think the Kurds are radicalized."


#14

Christian Science Monitor
March 29, 2005
Pg. 1

Iraqi Troop Training: Signs Of Progress

Critics say Pentagon keeps revising number of trained forces, proving the US has no exit strategy, but military sees gains.

By Peter Grier, Staff Writer of The Christian Science Monitor

WASHINGTON – Over the past 18 months, Washington's estimate of the number of trained Iraqi security forces has gyrated up and down as if it were a stock market index.

Last spring, for instance, the Defense Department's number for Iraqi police and military personnel plunged from 206,000 to 132,000. In September, the number was revised downward again - to 90,000.

Critics complain that the variation in this number reflects the fact that the White House has no exit strategy for the Iraqi intervention, and is simply groping ahead, blind. But the Pentagon defends its training effort, and some outside analysts say that after a slow and troubled start the US may now be making progress in its bid to build an entire nation's means of security from scratch.

That step is essential to stabilizing Iraq and bringing US forces home, which commanders now say could begin next year.

"The key policy issue is not how many mission-capable Iraqis there are right at this moment, but rather: Is there a system in place to ensure that capable Iraqi military and security forces continue to develop over time," Anthony Cordesman, a military expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said in a congressional appearance earlier this month.

Pentagon officials have long said that any prospects for withdrawal of large numbers of US troops depend on the presence of indigenous units capable of taking their place. Today there are 145,000 Iraqi security personnel, organized into 52 army, and 44 police battalions, Secretary of the Army Francis Harvey told a Pentagon briefing last Wednesday.

These forces operate across Iraq, both with US troops and independently, said Sec. Harvey. "As proof of their growing capability, an Iraqi brigade recently assumed responsibility for a large portion of Baghdad, a significant milestone in the history of the new Iraqi army," he said.

But critics have long been wary of such glowing reports about Iraqi capability. They point to past instances in which local troops abandoned their posts, or refused to fight. And past reports on troops numbers have indeed proved overly optimistic. "Data on the status of Iraqi security forces is unreliable and provides limited information on their capabilities," said Joseph Christoff, director of international affairs and trade at the US Government Accountability Office, at a House hearing on March 14.

In April of 2004, for instance, the Defense Department estimated that 206,000 Iraqi security forces were in place. But that number simply reflected personnel on the payroll - many of whom were either administrative officials, or otherwise unprepared to fight. So a year ago the Pentagon revised its Iraqi force figure downward, to 132,000.

By September of 2004, the number had crept back up to 160,000. But further investigation proved that this figure included substantial numbers of people who protect facilities - in essence, night watchmen. In addition, some trained forces did not have equipment rendering them able to fight.

So last fall the number was revised downward again, to 90,000, Rear Adm. William Sullivan, Vice Director for Strategic Plans and Policy for the Joint Chiefs of Staff, told a House hearing. "We are just now beginning ... a qualitative assessment of how the various Iraqi security forces are doing, modeling it after the kinds of systems we use for our own military to measure unit readiness," said Adm. Sullivan.

Yet there may still be some flaws in the system, according to critics. Take the current estimate of 142,000 trained and equipped Iraqi troops.

This figure includes no adjustment for Iraqi military forces that may be absent without leave - a continuing problem in a nation where insurgents attempt to intimidate troops into leaving.

"This is like fantasyland. This is as fictive as the weapons of mass destruction," former presidential candidate Rep. Dennis Kucinich (D) of Ohio complained at the House hearing.

Yet such focus on the numbers per se may be missing the point. It's true that Iraqi forces differ sharply in capability - and that not even the best army units are the equal of their US counterparts, according to Mr. Cordesman.

But pay and leave policies present problems, too. Iraqi military installations generally do not provide housing for troops, and this leaves their families vulnerable. Many soldiers have to visit their families and turn over their pay in cash, which means that a high percentage will be on leave at any time. Consequently, they are not always available for duty, and they are vulnerable to insurgent attack.

But Cordesman said that many Iraqi officials themselves say that virtually every element of their military and police forces can perform some function, and that the situation is steadily improving as new and better forces come on line. "From their perspective, the issue is not whether the glass is two-thirds empty or one-third full, it is how rapidly it is filling," he said.

Due to missteps and a misjudgment about the strength of the insurgency at its onset, the US really did not begin a concerted training effort until 10 months ago, said Cordesman. "The Iraqis actually involved in shaping Iraq's new forces are not pessimistic," he noted. "Most believe that Iraqi forces are growing steadily better with time, will acquire the experience and quality to deal with much of the insurgency during 2005, and should be able to secure much of the country by 2006."

Enough progress has apparently been made that US officials are becoming more explicit about when American troops might start coming home. On Sunday, the top US military commander in Iraq, Army Gen. George Casey, predicted on CNN's "Late Edition" that the US should be able to make a "very substantial reduction" in the number of forces within a year.


#15

The Hill
March 28, 2005

Improvised Explosives Becoming More Common In Iraq

By Albert Eisele

Mosul, Iraq -- They're one of the worst nightmares for American military personnel or anyone traveling with them on the dangerous roads of Iraq, even if you're surrounded by tons of armor plate and moving at high speed.

They're called IED's, military speak for Improvised Explosive Devices, and they're the devil's own invention.

These fearsome homemade weapons are responsible for many of the more than 1,700 deaths and 15,000 plus casualties suffered by U.S. and coalition forces since the invasion of Iraq two years ago this month. And they're getting more deadly and numerous.

"They've gone up exponentially in number and they're getting more powerful all the time," said Lt. Col. Michael Kurella, whose 24th Infantry Regiment's First Battalion patrols the western half of this northern Iraq city that has the highest number of attacks by insurgents of any city in Iraq.

Col. Kurella was among some 50 Army officers who briefed Gen. John Abizaid, commander of U.S. forces in the Gulf region, and Sen. Jack Reed (D-R.I.) on the military situation in Ninevah province on Easter Sunday at a coalition base near this city of two million, the third largest in Iraq.

Afterwards, the tall, handsome West Point graduate from Elk River, Minn., explained the challenge these devilish devices present to his 800-man unit.

When his battalion arrived in Iraq last October from Fort Lewis, Wash., it didn't find a single IED while patrolling the streets of Mosul. But in November, it found three, followed by 15 in December, 50 in January, and 134 in February. One of his soldiers was killed when one of his unit's heavily armored Stryker vehicles was destroyed, and many more have been injured.

"We're still getting plenty of detonations, it's almost constant," said Col. Kurella, whose battalion has already earned 182 Purple Heart medals, given to those injured in combat.

Sgt. Loren Kirk, a member of the 25th Infantry Division's First Brigade Stryker combat team, described the constant danger posed by the IEDs.

"We go all over Mosul and everybody gets hit, even in the nice neighborhoods," he said. "We can go a week without getting hit. It just depends on where we are. We drive side-by-side with cars on the street. They tend to give us a wide berth, and because of VBEDS [Vehicle-based Explosive Devices], we try to keep them at least 50 yards away."

Kirk added, "It's all timing. We could roll down the road and drive by an IED and a minute later, a vehicle behind us will get hit."

Kirk, 37, took his unit's commander through the city's crowded streets to the briefing from its base about 15 minutes away. "Our mission is to get him where he needs to go, safely, escort troops or check on soldiers at a checkpoint."

The heavily armed 36,000-pound, eight-wheel vehicles were first introduced to Iraq in 2003 as a replacement for the 1980s era Abrams tanks and the less well-armored Hummers, which many units are still using while they wait for Strykers to be delivered.

Every one of the Strykers in Kirk's battalion has been hit by an IED at least twice, according to Specialist Seth Christie, who rides in a partially exposed position atop Kirk's Stryker.

So what's it like to take a hit from an IED?

"It scares the s--- out of you," said Christie, 24, who was slightly injured when his vehicle was hit by an IED in January and he was knocked back into the vehicle. "You feel it in your chest, you feel it in your teeth. Your lungs fill with smoke and everything goes black."

Christie's buddy, Specialist Donald Armino, also 24, agrees that IEDs are more numerous and powerful than a few months ago. "They're getting a lot bigger and a lot more sophisticated," he said, often concealing them more cleverly and magnifying their power by tying a half dozen or more 120-mm mortar shells together and setting them off by remote control, or using shaped charges that can penetrate six inches of steel.

An even more vivid description of the destructive power of IEDs was provided by four young Marine reservists from Chicago who were relaxing at the coalition's main base near the Baghdad airport while preparing to return home last weekend.

"What's it like?" said Cpl. Johnny Lebron, 31, whose unit driving armored Hummers found and disarmed 19 IEDs and was hit by 21 during six-and-a-half months in the northern province of Babil, a part of the Sunni triangle dubbed "the triangle of death."

"Well, it really rattles your cage. It's an experience you can't describe. For four or five seconds, time seems to stand still."

Sgt. Timothy Jensen, 26, added, "The explosion hits and then everything goes black and the breath is sucked out of your lungs. You feel like you're dead, floating in timeless space. The first thing you worry about is the Marine next to you. Once I know my Marines are good to go, we act on our objective."

But Sgt. Jensen conceded that it's hard to find those who place and detonate the IEDs. "You're really not going to be able to get on them because they use remote devices from a distance, and they're really hard to find."

Unlike the Marines, the soldiers in Mosul who are equipped with the heavily armed Strykers are thankful they have them.

"The Stryker is a fantastic vehicle, much better than an up-armored Hummer," said Sgt. Kirk. "We're really lucky to have them. I've got a lot of faith in this vehicle."


#16

Washington Post
March 29, 2005
Pg. 9

Picnic Is No Party In The New Basra

Uproar Over Armed Attack on Student Event Redraws Debate on Islam's Role and Reach

By Anthony Shadid, Washington Post Foreign Service

BASRA, Iraq, March 28 -- Celia Garabet thought students were roughhousing. Sinan Saeed was sure a fight had erupted. Within a few minutes, on a sunny day at a riverside park, they realized something different was afoot. A group of Shiite Muslim militiamen with rifles, pistols, thick wire cables and sticks had charged into crowds of hundreds at a college picnic. They fired shots, beat students and hauled some of them away in pickup trucks. The transgressions: men dancing and singing, music playing and couples mixing.

That melee on March 15 and its fallout have redrawn the debate that has shadowed Iraq's second-largest city since the U.S. invasion in 2003: What is the role of Islam in daily life? In once-libertine Basra, a battered port in southern Iraq near the Persian Gulf, the question dominates everything these days, from the political parties in power to the style of dress in the streets.

In the days that followed the melee, hundreds of students, angry about the injuries and arrests, marched on the school administration building and then the governor's office, demanding an apology and, more important, the dissolution of the dreaded campus morality police. The militiamen who attacked the picnickers at first boasted of stamping out debauchery, even distributing videos of the event. But, gauging the popular revulsion, they later admitted to what they termed mistakes. The governor, himself an Islamic activist, urged dialogue to calm a roiled city and deemed the case closed, even as students insisted they remained unsatisfied.

To many in Basra the students managed what no local party or politician had yet done: They interrupted, if briefly, a tide of religious conservatism that has shuttered liquor stores in a city that once had dozens, meted out arbitrary justice and encouraged women to wear a veil and dress in a way considered modest.

"The students broke through the barriers of fear," said Ali Abbas Khafif, a 55-year-old writer and union organizer jailed for 23 years under former president Saddam Hussein. "This was the first mass response to religious power."

The victory may be fleeting in a city where Islamic activism and guns often go hand in hand. Even in their moment of triumph, many secular students acknowledge they are fighting a losing battle; some suggest it is already lost.

"We have felt both our weakness and our strength," said Saif Emad, 24.

The day began with eight yellow school buses lined up by 10 a.m. at one of the two campuses of Basra University, a sprawling expanse where pink bougainvillea interrupts a dreary landscape. Hundreds of students from the university's engineering college piled into the buses. They were joined at Andalus Park by hundreds more on foot and in their own cars. By 10:30 a.m., there were from 500 to 750 students and guests at a picnic the university had approved.

Young men started playing soccer. Others went to buy ice cream. The more boisterous began dancing to a song, "He Went to Basra and Forgot Me," by Ali Hatem, an Iraqi singer. A few grew exuberant, thrusting tape players along with red-and-white scarves into the air. Most of the women were veiled, although a handful, including some Christians, went bareheaded.

"All of a sudden, students started running," recalled Garabet, 21, a civil engineering student.

At that moment, from 20 to 40 militiamen loyal to the militant young Shiite cleric Moqtada Sadr and his Mahdi Army charged into the two-acre park of overgrown grass, concrete picnic tables and paths of colored tiles. Some of them wore checkered headscarves over their faces, others black balaclavas. They carried sticks, cable, pistols and rifles, a few with a weapon in each hand. They were accompanied by two clerics in robes and turbans: Abdullah Menshadawi and Abdullah Zaydi.

Garabet, an unveiled woman from an Armenian Christian family, never saw her assailant. He struck her twice in the back of the head with his fist. "I was afraid to turn around," she said.

She stumbled, then headed with others toward the black steel gate. Militiamen were shouting "Infidels!"

"It was chaos," she said. "Everyone was yelling."

As she walked out the gate, a second blow to the back of her head almost knocked her unconscious. Two weeks later, she is still wearing a neck brace, and her vision is blurred. She has numbness in one hand and suffers severe headaches.

At about that time, students said, a militiamen struck an unveiled 21-year-old, Zeinab Faruq, with a stick. Another accosted a couple, they recalled. The militiaman fired two shots at the legs of 22-year-old Muhsin Walid; another shot grazed Walid's hand.

Sinan Saeed, 24, a husky mechanical engineering student, described seeing one girl run toward the exit, then seeing a man stumble over her. Both were beaten with sticks and cables as they lay on the ground. Some surged through the gate; others tried to clamber over the chain-link fence, Saeed said. At the exit, militiamen slapped students with one hand, gripping their pistols in the other.

Students accused the men of stealing cell phones, cameras, gold jewelry and tape players as the students left.

"They focused on the women," said Saeed's friend, Osama Adnan. "They were beating them viciously."

"Without any discrimination," Saeed added.

Within half an hour, the fracas had ended. University officials said 15 students were seriously injured. The militiamen detained about 10 students, who were taken to the local office of the Sadr movement before being released that evening. By all accounts, police were present in force but did not intervene. The students insist that the police were cowed by Menshadawi, one of the two clerics.

One student, who spoke on condition of anonymity, recalled Menshadawi shouting, "There is no secular government! There is only the government of the Mahdi Army!" as he stood on some park steps brandishing a stick and a pistol.

In the Sadr movement's office, Heidar Jabari acknowledged excesses but defended the action. "There was a mistake in our execution, but we had the right to intervene," he said.

Tall, with a friendly demeanor, Jabari said he had warned students two days before the incident that the picnic was inappropriate. Shiites were still observing the sacred month of Muharram, he said, and a suicide bomb had recently killed 125 people in the southern city of Hilla. "The blood from there was still fresh," he said. "No one listened to us."

Jabari conceded that students were hurt and the beatings "went beyond what was legitimate." But, he added, "They say freedom means they can do what they want. This is not freedom. Freedom does not mean you can transgress traditions." He spoke calmly but with clerical sternness. "There are traditions and rules in an Eastern society that are different from a Western society. Every Iraqi has a right to act against these transgressions."

To bolster their case, the movement, one of Basra's most powerful, released a video of footage it had gathered of the picnic. It distributed it to local stores, which in turn sold it for about $1.

The images were relatively tame, even by Basra's conservative standards. Men are shown dancing. In the most exuberant moment, one dancer ties a scarf around his waist and swivels his hips. A man pushes a woman on a swing.

"At a wedding party, they do a lot more than that," said Saleh Najim, the dean of the engineering college.

The night of the confrontation, word of a protest went out, and the following morning about 150 students gathered at the engineering college, itself divided between secular and religious students. Their numbers swelling as they went, they made their way to the president's office and issued their demands: no work for the Islamic groups on campus, an official apology, punishment of the militiamen, return of stolen property, disbandment of the much-feared security committees that act as morality police in each university department and their replacement with Iraqi army troops.

Students vowed to remain on strike until the demands were met. Classes were canceled.

The next day, the students convened again. This time, they said, they planned to head to the governor's office. Police tried to block their path, firing shots into the air at the gate, but they managed to leave through another exit in 15 school buses. Once at the governor's office, they found hundreds of students from smaller colleges and a few high schools already gathered. Inside, the governor met with members of the city council and the Sadr movement, student representatives and school officials.

Two hours later, students recalled, Mohammed Abadi, the president of the city council, emerged. The students' demands would be met, he declared. He read a text from a microphone mounted on a police car outside the office, going over each demand.

"We will compensate what was lost," students recalled Abadi saying.

"What was stolen!" someone shouted from the crowd, correcting Abadi.

Following Abadi's statement, city officials and Sadr's movement treated the matter as closed.

"The issue is settled," said Mohammed Musabah, who took over as governor of Basra the day of the melee. He acknowledged that police had not arrested anyone, as students had demanded. But, he said in an interview, "We spoke with them in a stern tone. Both sides wanted to resolve it by way of dialogue."

Few students this week said they were thinking about dialogue. Nor did they seem to believe their demands had been met.

Saeed said that as he passed out leaflets during the protests, a student sympathetic to Moqtada Sadr tapped his shoulder. "Be careful," he said he was told menacingly. On the wall at the campus gate, scrawled in black, graffiti reads, "Basra remains Moqtada's Basra."

"For a moment, we felt the strength of our voices," Saeed said. "We were making up our own minds."

But, he added, "You can see on campus that students are still scared to speak."


#17

Baltimore Sun
March 29, 2005

Military Upgrading Its Afghan Air Bases

$83 million project signals long-term U.S. presence

By Associated Press

KABUL, Afghanistan - The United States is pouring $83 million into upgrading its main military bases in Afghanistan, an Air Force general said yesterday in a sign that American forces will likely be needed in the country for years to come as al-Qaida remains active in the region.

Meanwhile, in a reminder of the instability still facing the 25,000 foreign troops in the country, a roadside bomb hit a Canadian Embassy vehicle and another car in Kabul, injuring at least four people.

U.S. Brig. Gen. Jim Hunt said the millions were being spent on construction projects already under way at Bagram, the main U.S. base north of Kabul, and Kandahar in the south. Both are being equipped with new runways.

"We are continuously improving runways, taxiways, navigation aids, airfield lighting, billeting and other facilities to support our demanding mission," Hunt, the commander of U.S. air operations in Afghanistan, said at a news conference in the capital.

Afghan leaders are seeking a long-term "strategic partnership" with the United States, which expects to complete the training of the country's new 70,000-strong army next year, but it remains unclear if that will include permanent American bases.

Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said in Kabul this month that Washington had not decided how long to keep troops in the country, which neighbors Iran, Pakistan and oil-rich Central Asia.

U.S. commanders have said they may cut their 17,000-strong force this year if a Taliban insurgency wanes. But they say the Afghan government remains vulnerable and some kind of U.S. presence will be needed for years.

In an interview with CNN's Late Edition, Army Gen. John Abizaid, the commander of U.S. Central Command, said fresh skirmishes along the Pakistani frontier showed "the fight is not out of the Taliban completely, and not out of the al-Qaida people that are operating in that region."

Asked where Osama bin Laden might be, Abizaid said only that "an awful lot of al-Qaida leadership" was operating in the mountainous border region and that U.S. troops were watching the area "with great interest."

Hunt said 150 U.S. aircraft, including ground-attack jets and helicopter gunships as well as transport and reconnaissance planes, were using 14 airfields around Afghanistan. Many are close to the Pakistani border. Other planes such as B-1 bombers patrol over Afghanistan without landing.

Yesterday's explosion damaged a Canadian Embassy vehicle and injured one Canadian, Afghan officials said. The bomb left a five-foot-wide crater next to the road. However, witnesses said the man, identified by an embassy official as a security guard, walked unaided from the damaged vehicle.

Canadian officials were investigating the blast.

Washington Post
March 29, 2005
Pg. 2

Plans By U.S. To Dominate Space Raising Concerns

Arms Experts Worried at Pentagon Push for Superiority

By Walter Pincus, Washington Post Staff Writer

Arms control advocates in the United States and abroad are expressing concern with the Bush administration's push for military superiority in space.

A series of Pentagon doctrinal papers, released over the past year, have emphasized that the U.S. military is increasingly dependent on space satellites for offensive and defensive operations, and must be able to protect them in times of war.

The Air Force in August put forward a Counterspace Operations Doctrine, which described "ways and means by which the Air Force achieves and maintains space superiority" and has worked to develop weapons to accomplish such missions.

On March 1, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld signed a new National Defense Strategy paper that said the use of space "enables us to project power anywhere in the world from secure bases of operation." A key goal of Rumsfeld's new strategy is "to ensure our access to and use of space and to deny hostile exploitation of space to adversaries."

The Pentagon is developing a suborbital space capsule that could hit targets anywhere in the world within two hours of being launched from U.S. bases. It also is developing systems that could attack potential enemy satellites, destroying them or temporarily preventing them from sending signals.

Michael Krepon, president emeritus of the Henry L. Stimson Center and an arms control official in the Clinton administration, said the United States is moving toward a national space doctrine that is "preemptive and proactive." He expects the Bush administration to produce a new National Space Policy statement soon that will contrast with the one adopted in 1996 by President Bill Clinton.

"We adopted the traditional U.S. position of being a reluctant space warrior," Krepon said of the Clinton position. "Space was to be used for peaceful purposes, but if someone messed with us, we couldn't allow that to happen. But it was not our space policy preference."

Krepon last week attended a conference in Geneva organized by the Chinese and Russian governments on preventing an arms race in outer space. Moscow and Beijing have for years promoted a new treaty to govern arms in space, since the current international agreement prohibits only nuclear or other weapons of mass destruction in space.

One of those attending last week's session was Hu Xiaodi, the Chinese ambassador to the United Nations Disarmament Conference. At a U.N. disarmament meeting last year, Hu criticized efforts to achieve "control of outer space," as well as research into weapons that can be used there. "It is no exaggeration to say that outer space would become the fourth battlefield after land, sea and air should we sit on our hands," he said.

Krepon said a new treaty is needed because "if the U.S. proceeds to weaponize space, anyone can compete, and that makes sure everyone loses."

Theresa Hitchens, vice president of the Center for Defense Information, also attended the Geneva session and said a low-ranking U.S. diplomat attended as an observer but did not speak. She said experts there discussed where the issues stood and how one could verify a treaty for space security. "That included a code of conduct and even just banning kinetic anti-satellite weapons," she said.

Analyzing the proposed Pentagon fiscal 2006 budget just sent to Congress, Hitchens and her colleagues pointed to $60.9 million for an experimental XXS spacecraft whose "microsatellite payloads" could attack enemy satellites. Another $68 million is earmarked for a Near Field Infrared Experiment that would use infrared technology to disable enemy satellite transmissions.

Pentagon officials make no secret that they are working on new defensive systems to protect the nation's satellites.

"I think everybody that I know in the United States military and the Department of Defense understands the important role that our space assets play in our national security," Gen. Richard B. Myers, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and former head of the Space Command, told the House Armed Services Committee March 10. "One of the biggest issues that we had to deal with was trying to figure out what was happening to a particular capability if the function was interrupted."

One system under development would be able to identify a ground station or satellite interfering with U.S. satellites, so that it could be destroyed.

As another defensive measure, the United States last October announced deployment of its first mobile, ground-based system that can temporarily disrupt communications from an enemy satellite. The Counter Communications System uses electromagnetic radio frequency energy to silence transmissions from a satellite in a way that is reversible. Two more units are due later this year.


#19

Las Vegas Sun
March 25, 2005

Rumsfeld Adviser Describes Successes Of Current Wars

By David Kihara, Las Vegas Sun

Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld's top policy adviser on Thursday defended the current wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, describing both conflicts as successes in spreading political development and democracy in the middle east or central Asia.

Douglas J. Feith, the outgoing undersecretary of defense for policy, also told a small audience in Henderson that the Bush administration is currently pursuing a diplomatic solution with North Korea and Iran rather than a unilateral military action.

Feith declared that he is stepping down as undersecretary of defense for policy this summer. He said he resigned in order to spend more time with his family.

Feith rarely strayed from the well-publicized opinions of the current Bush administration during his appearance but offered an intimate glimpse into the strategy and thinking of one of the top officials in the Pentagon.

"I don't want to suggest that there are not major problems and challenges both in Afghanistan and Iraq; I don't mean to imply the picture is all rosy -- it is not," Feith said at the Revere Golf Club.

"But Afghanistan is viewed as really a pretty remarkable success. And if we find that in a year from now Iraq is as far along in developing its political institutions and fighting the insurgency as Afghanistan is, I think people will look at that as a great achievement."

Feith was in Las Vegas for a one-day tour of Nellis Air Force base, where he viewed the joint Red Flag combat exercises, said Nellis spokesman Capt. Steven Rolenc.

The Las Vegas World Affairs Council, a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization that builds understanding of international affairs, organized Feith's appearance at the Revere Golf Club. He is scheduled to return to Washington today, said Benjamin Duchek, executive director of the Las Vegas World Affairs Council.

Keeping within the bounds of the Bush administration's "talking points," Feith said that while there have been substantial casualties in the two years of the Iraqi war, America and other nations are essentially in a safer position because former Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein is no longer in power.

Successes in the war in Iraq, signified by the large turnout for the January elections, have shown that the war is building democratic institutions in Iraq, changing the politics of the middle east and could help win the war on terror, he said.

Even though Feith said these were always the administration's goals for the Iraqi war, he conceded that the administration at times focused primarily on the supposed weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in Iraq as one of the primary reasons for invading the country two years ago.

"The full range of considerations was there, although I do admit that we tended to give a particular emphasis on the WMD issue," Feith said.

More than 1,500 U.S. soldiers have been killed in Iraq since it began in March 2002. A total of 12 soldiers with ties to Nevada have been killed in Iraq, Afghanistan or Kuwait since 2001, when the U.S. first went to war with Afghanistan.

Feith also described the Abu Ghraib prison scandal in Iraq as a "dreadful, damaging set of actions by people who were doing things they shouldn't have done," but depicted the abuse at the hands of U.S. servicemen and women as going against the administration's policies for handling prisoners.

"Nobody said that inhumane (treatment) could be used to break people down. That was not policy," he said.

Abu Ghraib, the U.S. military prison 20 miles outside of Baghdad, came to light last year when photos surfaced showing U.S. soldiers abusing Iraqi prisoners. Six soldiers have accepted plea bargains in the scandal and one, Charles Grainer, was convicted and sentenced to 10 years for abusing the prisoners.

Feith also touted the successes in Afghanistan. He said that since the United States toppled the Taliban regime -- a regime that was harboring al-Qaida and allegedly Osama bin Laden -- the country has moved forward with building democratic institutions and successfully held presidential elections.

However, he said that the parliamentary elections in Afghanistan, which have been delayed three times and are now rescheduled for September 2006, are much more complicated than a one-office election and therefore have been harder to organize.

The overall mission in Afghanistan, he said, was a success because the coalition forces overthrew the Taliban regime and destabilized the al-Qaida network. But he admitted that Osama bin Laden is still at large.

"We want to get Osama bin Laden and we haven't gotten him yet, so that has not succeeded yet," Feith said.

He ultimately provided a positive image of the United States, saying that the United States and the Pentagon will work with allies to reduce global threats such as nuclear proliferation or the harboring of terrorists.

In that respect, he said the current standoffs between North Korea and Iran are being solved through diplomatic negotiations rather than force, as was used in Iraq.

President Bush previously described Iran and North Korea as part of the "axis of evil," but "we are pursuing diplomatic means to try to resolve the problems of North Korea and Iran," he said.

Iran is currently in negotiations with European allies to not pursue a nuclear program. Iran claims it is pursuing the nuclear program for peaceful means.

North Korea, meanwhile, has refused to rejoin nuclear disarmament negotiations with America, Japan, South Korea, China and Russia and stated earlier this year that it possesses nuclear weapons.


Colorado Springs Gazette
March 28, 2005
Pg. 1

NORAD At Turning Point In Mission

Snags in post-9/ 11 defense may hurt chances of survival

By Pam Zubeck, The Gazette

Canada wants to opt out of NORAD’s Star Wars mission, which could foreshadow changes in the way the United States fights the war against terrorism.

The two nations are negotiating the first post-Sept. 11 agreement for operation of the North American Aerospace Defense Command, based at Peterson Air Force Base.

The United States wants NORAD to add monitoring of maritime and land threats to its 47-year-old mission of watching the skies and space. The U.S. also wants to add a system to shoot down enemy missiles.

Canada’s decision to opt out of the missile defense system could be a sign that other areas of cooperation are in jeopardy, some experts fear.

“In the upcoming negotiations, NORAD grows or dies. Those are its two options,” said Brett Lambert, a national security expert with defense contractor DFI International in Washington, D.C. “If NORAD doesn’t respond to meet the post-9/11 challenges to add sea first and then land, the concept of NORAD will begin to wither on the vine. That would be a tremendous loss to both countries.”

Although the United States would continue the NORAD mission, “We need Canadian cooperation to protect our own borders,” Lambert said. “Hopefully this is a bump in the road and not a dead end.”

The importance of Canada’s role in the war against terrorism was underscored when the Department of Homeland Security announced a terrorism exercise next month involving top officials from Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom.

“Our partnerships with the United Kingdom and Canada will further enhance our ability to deal with terrorism on an international level,” Secretary of Homeland Security Michael Chertoff said in a statement.

Until Sept. 11, 2001, when hijackers flew airliners into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, NORAD focused on Cold War foes.

After the hijackings drew a confused and ill-prepared response, NORAD’s mission was expanded to troll for space and air threats from within North America.

It recently added early warning and tracking capabilities for the U.S.-based missile defense system under development, and last August, Canada approved sharing that information with U.S. Northern Command.

The nation’s homeland defense command, NorthCom, also is based at Peterson and will run the system that’s planned to have 40 rockets in Alaska, California and at sea poised to intercept attacking missiles.

Canada has refused further involvement, which might have included putting parts of the missile system on Canadian soil.

Tests in which a rocket was to shoot down mock intercontinental ballistic missiles have failed three of eight times since 1999; two tests, in December and February, weren’t completed after the interceptor didn’t launch.

Canada was skeptical of missile defense during the Star Wars days of the 1980s, but a year ago it appeared poised to cooperate. However, Prime Minister Paul Martin announced Feb. 24 that his country would not take part and instead would focus on border, coastline and Arctic security.

The United States remains optimistic about missile defense.

“We believe this system will work,” Air Force Lt. Gen. Trey Obering, Missile Defense Agency director, said in a March 9 news briefing. “We’re not just chasing our tail. We have enough confidence to continue to move foward.”

If the cause of problems with the February test is identified and fixed, the next test could happen in April, he said.

President Bush spoke with Martin this month and “underscored the importance of redoubling our security cooperation efforts,” the White House said.

Nevertheless, Canada’s recent decision might cast a shadow on the NORAD pact negotiations.

Baker Spring, a defense analyst at Washington, D.C., think tank The Heritage Foundation, said missile defense will advance despite Canada’s cold feet. So will NORAD, though it may not be the vehicle for maritime and land security cooperation, he said.

“Do you want an organizational structure that’s identical in all three deals? Or do you have something that’s more custom-made for maritime and land?” he said.

In any event, Spring doubts that Canada’s decision, based on most Canadians’ view that missile defense will foster the weaponization of space, is permanent.

That’s why it’s important to keep the door open for a change of heart, recently retired NORAD and Northern Command leader Gen. Ralph “Ed” Eberhart said.

“I think we’d be shortsighted if we said, ‘You said “no,” so it’s “no” forever,’” he said in an interview last week.

“I hope (Canada) doesn’t say, ‘OK, since we’re not doing this, all bets are off.’ If you left it up to me, we need to cooperate in terms of air defense,” Eberhart said. “If we elect not to cooperate in terms of active missile defense, meaning intercepting an incoming missile, I still think we ought to cooperate passively by letting them have missile warning. We need to be very careful before we walk away from this relationship and understand what the ramifications are.”

Michael O’Hanlon, with the Brookings Institution, a nonpartisan Washington, D.C., think tank, is confident NORAD will be preserved.

“I have to believe that Canadian and American leaders are smart enough to de-escalate this thing,” he said, referring to Canada’s decision. “I would be very surprised if this leads to a long-term problem with NORAD.”

He said, though, that pact renewal talks could suffer a temporary setback.

Meantime, at the NORAD command center inside Cheyenne Mountain where the nations work side by side, things have changed some.

“If you look at an air threat to Canada, Canada would still be involved in defending against that threat,” Canadian Col. Wade Hoddinott, who works in the operations center, said at a March 4 news conference. “But when it comes to (missile defense), we more or less stand on the sidelines and watch rather than participate the way we do in air defense.”

Whether Canada would be notified of the launch of an interceptor over Canadian soil, one of Prime Minister Martin’s requests, is undecided.

“It is technically feasible, but I would point out that I, as Northern Command commander, do not yet have my policy direction from the president and secretary of defense,” Adm. Timothy Keating, who also commands NORAD, said at a separate March 4 briefing.



#21

Washington Post
March 29, 2005
Pg. 11

U.S. Soldier Pleads Not Guilty In Iraqi Man's Death

By Melissa Eddy, Associated Press

WIESBADEN, Germany, March 29 -- A U.S. military court was shown shaky video from a surveillance drone aircraft as a court-martial began Monday for a U.S. tank commander accused of killing an Iraqi man who witnesses have said was already critically wounded.

Capt. Rogelio Maynulet, 30, of Chicago, pleaded not guilty. He could face a maximum sentence of 20 years if convicted of assault with intent to commit murder. Wearing full dress uniform, he stood as his attorney, Capt. Will Helixon, entered the plea.

The charges stem from an incident May 21 when Maynulet was leading his 1st Armored Division tank company on a patrol near the city of Kufa, south of Baghdad, where heavy fighting had been reported.

They encountered a car thought to be carrying a driver for the radical Shiite Muslim cleric Moqtada Sadr and another militiaman loyal to the cleric. U.S. soldiers chased the vehicle and fired at it, wounding both the driver and passenger.

When a medic pulled the driver out of the car, it was clear he had suffered critical injuries, with part of his skull blown away, according to testimony heard during Maynulet's Article 32 hearing, the military's equivalent of a civilian grand jury investigation.

The prosecutor, Capt. Dan Sennott, quoted Maynulet as having said later: "I then fired two rounds into the driver to be sure he was dead." Sennott argued that Maynulet had violated rules of engagement because the driver, although a paramilitary combatant, was injured and unarmed.

In the surveillance video, military Humvees were seen chasing a black sedan that crashed into a wall surrounding a house. The drone's camera then zoomed in on what appeared to be a man lying on the ground beside the crashed car, waving one arm. The outline of a soldier in a helmet and battle gear could then be seen aiming a weapon at the man. A flash followed. In a subsequent image, the man appeared to twitch as though hit again.

Maynulet's fellow officers said at the Article 32 hearing that he shot the man in an act of compassion to end his suffering.

Maynulet's command was suspended May 25, but he has remained with his unit, serving on the planning staff. He has not commented on the facts of the case, but Helixon, the attorney, said when his client was arraigned in December that he maintained "that his actions were justified."

Maynulet, whose wife, Brooke, and parents were in court, watched intently as the video was shown.


Defense Today
March 29, 2005
Pg. 1

Young Says Navy To Maintain Its Prowess Against Major Powers

By Dave Ahearn

As it shifts to purchasing smaller, lighter and more agile weapons systems, the Navy isn't losing its ability to counter attacks by major powers such as China, John Young, assistant secretary of the Navy for research, development and acquisition, said.

Some critics assert that the Navy is lowering its guard by purchasing fewer major weapons platforms such as destroyers and submarines.

But that isn't so, Young said in an interview. Currently the most senior Navy procurement policymaker, Young may become the second-highest procurement official for the entire Department of Defense.

Some shift in the Navy procurement strategy was dictated by the fact that the United States in the 21st century is confronting an intrinsically different sort of enemy, totally unlike the massed forces of the then-Soviet Union in the Cold War, Young said.

To adopt a correct posture for likely future conflicts, "we've got to have an emphasis on terrorism," Young said.

That doesn't mean, however, that Pentagon policymakers are forgetting the possibility of conflict with a major power, he said.

He and other leaders of the U.S. armed forces "continue to assess the global [threat] environment," including China, he said.

China in recent months has threatened Taiwan repeatedly, saying that if Taiwan declares its independence of China, or fails to move toward a peaceful "reunification" with the mainland regime, then China will invade Taiwan and force it to submit to Chinese rule.

Further, China—which long has deployed outmoded and ineffective weapons systems—has been purchasing or producing in its own factories a vast array of new hardware, including aircraft, ships and submarines.

The Navy is fully cognizant of this, and is ensuring that the United States retains its ability to counter any threat posed by major powers, Young said, citing several programs that clearly are capable of strategic strikes against peer competitors:

*Aircraft carriers. The last of the Nimitz Class of carriers, the George H.W. Bush, is nearing completion, and the Navy looks forward to beginning work on the next-generation CVN 21 carrier in the fiscal year ending Sept. 30, 2008. This ship, to be made by the Northrop Grumman Corp. unit Newport News shipbuilding, would be a major investment by the Navy, by some estimates costing $13 billion to $14 billion.

*The F-35 Joint Strike Fighter. This aircraft possesses radar-evading capabilities, supersonic speeds and advanced weapons systems needed to counter sophisticated hardware of leading military powers. The F-35 will be made in separate but highly similar versions for the Navy, Marine Corps and Air Force by a team led by Lockheed Martin Corp., under the largest defense procurement contract in history, for $245 billion, not counting sales to allied nations.

*The Arleigh Burke DDG 51 Class of destroyers, succeeded by the next-generation DD(X) destroyers. DD(X)s will be funded starting in fiscal 2007. They may be built under a winner-take-all contract, either by Northrop Grumman Ship Systems, or perhaps by the General Dynamics Corp. unit Bath Iron Works.

These all are extremely sophisticated, advanced platforms capable of taking on daunting global powers, Young said. "Those tools are very useful," he said.

At the same time, he continued, the Navy and Marine Corps must take responsible steps in countering the emergent threats of a new millennium.

These threats include, he noted, insurgent-wielded mortars and improvised explosive devices (roadside mines) that have posed lethal hazards for U.S. soldiers and Marines in Afghanistan and Iraq.

The United States must "deal with the serious threat in Iraq," he said. U.S. forces will "choose to adapt," he said.

The Critics

Some critics have asserted that the Navy is procuring so few major weapons systems that it will become unable to counter a serious challenge by a major power.

For example, the American Shipbuilding Association (ASA), which includes General Dynamics and Northrop Grumman among its members, has decried the decline in the size of the Navy fleet to less than 290 vessels today, from a 1980s high of almost 600 craft. And the ASA has stated that the Navy plans to build so few ships that the fleet will shrink to fewer than 200 in coming years.

"Today the fleet numbers 288 ships," the ASA noted in an alert message to its members. "Though our naval fleet is the most technologically advanced power on the seas, the decreasing number of ships is placing the Navy in a vise." That vise will continue to tighten "as the number of ships steadily falls and deployments increase."

During the intense period of fighting in Iraq two years ago, some Navy ships posted tours of duty far longer than six months.

"While some may argue that the `new' enemies of today are not ones that can be challenged by the naval fleets of the `past,' a very ominous potential threat is building on the horizon," the ASA asserted.

"China has been officially modernizing its military for two-and-a-half decades. By the year 2010, China's submarine force will be nearly double the size of the U.S. submarine fleet."

More broadly, the "entire Chinese naval fleet is projected to surpass the size of the U.S. fleet by 2015," just a decade hence, ASA said. "In short, the Chinese military is specifically being configured to rival America's sea power," ASA asserted.

Similarly, members of Congress such as Reps. Jo Ann Davis (R-Va.,) and Gene Taylor (D-Miss.) have questioned whether the Navy of the future will have sufficient ships to counter multiple conflicts across the globe, especially if one of the hostilities involves facing Chinese forces in the Taiwan Strait, which at its widest is but 100 miles or so.

The Navy Replies

But Secretary of the Navy Gordon England says the Navy is aware, keenly so, of just what capabilities China and other nations are developing, and has devised an intelligent plan to counter those threats in moves that he has outlined to members of Congress in closed hearings.

"There are some areas that worry us," England said last week in a round table meeting with a few defense journalists. "You always worry about technologies" being developed by potential adversaries.

And, England said, it also is true that the United States armed forces, while possessing immense size, are slower to adapt to changing situations. Tiny adversaries such as rogue nations or terrorist groups may have very compact bureaucracies that are able to adapt and adopt new strategies swiftly, he noted.

But the Navy is aware of this, and always is poised to gather intelligence as to whether an enemy is surging ahead with a new technology, assessing whether "someone is using that faster than you are." And that awareness, he said, permits the American sea power to remain in the forefront of global military prowess.

Young concluded the interview by stating that the United States, even as it addresses the need to develop strategies and systems attuned to the threat environment of a new age, has lost none of its capability to face down world-class enemies.

As Young put it, "We're not losing sight of the big picture."


Los Angeles Times
March 29, 2005

Osprey Aircraft In Final Tests

By Associated Press

JACKSONVILLE, N.C. — The U.S. Marine Corps said final tests began Monday on the military's Osprey aircraft, a helicopter-airplane hybrid that has been plagued by deadly crashes and design problems.

The Osprey tilt-rotor aircraft can land and take off like a helicopter and fly like an airplane. Commanders say the Osprey can haul more troops and equipment farther than helicopters. It was designed to replace the aging helicopters in the Marine Corps fleet.

The Osprey program has been threatened since 23 Marines died in two crashes during testing in 2000. The Osprey was also grounded for a few weeks this year because the coating on a part in the gearbox was wearing off faster than expected.

The Pentagon says each Osprey costs about $40 million.

The tests, scheduled through the end of June, will help determine whether the Osprey is ready for full production.

The Marine Corps has ordered 360 Ospreys, the Navy 48 and the Air Force 50 for special operations.

Testing conditions will include high altitudes, extreme temperatures and desert conditions.


#24

St. Louis Post-Dispatch
March 28, 2005
Pg. 4

States May Follow Illinois' Lead On Grants To Citizen-Soldiers

By Ed Ronco, Post-Dispatch Washington Bureau

WASHINGTON -- An Illinois program to relieve the financial burden on the families of deployed citizen-soldiers appears to be growing in popularity. Missouri and other states are considering similar programs.

Illinois Lt. Gov. Pat Quinn visited Washington last week to push for a nationwide expansion of an Illinois program that allows taxpayers to donate money to the families of National Guard and Reserve troops who are fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan. Many families experience a loss in income when family members are deployed, earning less through the National Guard or reserves than they would at their regular, full-time jobs.

The Illinois program is designed to relieve some of the pressure involved in paying bills and running a household with one adult on duty. In Illinois, families of soldiers deployed to Iraq or Afghanistan can get grants of $500. Families who can demonstrate a special financial need or whose soldier was injured or killed in combat can receive a $2,000 grant. Quinn said the money is a big help to those who can no longer provide as much income to their families.

"You have this historic, unprecedented deployment of Guard and Reserve members, sometimes multiple times," Quinn said. "The idea of the citizen-solider -- one day you're a civilian, the next day you're called to active duty -- (means that) most of the soldiers have a decline in their family income."

Ten states have active family relief funds, and 24 others, including Missouri, are in the process of creating similar programs.

In Jefferson City, state Sens. Jon Dolan, R-Lake Saint Louis, and Harry Kennedy, D-St. Louis, are sponsoring bills to establish a Missouri military family relief fund. State Rep. Jack Jackson, R-Wildwood, is sponsoring legislation in the House.

"If you've got to fly someone home for a funeral or you've got to take care of someone's utility bill because the deployment was pretty harsh, we've got the means, under this, to do that," said Dolan, who was an officer in the Army Reserve for 18 years. "Majors like me were making good money being away, but there's always a stress on the family for the young soldiers, especially. They don't make much."

In Illinois, money can be donated by checking a box on tax return forms or directly to the fund. The Missouri program would operate under a similar system.

"We know that everybody wants to help, and this is an easy way to do it," said Matt Cologna, legislative director for Kennedy.

Dolan says he hopes the fund also will attract corporate contributions. As of Jan. 31, the Department of Defense reports, more than 2,500 National Guard and reserve members had been deployed from Missouri and more than 3,000 were deployed from Illinois.



#26

New York Times
March 29, 2005

Poker-Faced Diplomat, Negroponte Is Poised For Role As Spy Chief

By Scott Shane

WASHINGTON, March 28 - When Duane R. Clarridge visited John D. Negroponte last summer in his barricaded compound in Baghdad, Mr. Negroponte, then the American ambassador, surprised his visitor by greeting him as "Mr. Marone."

That was Mr. Clarridge's alias 20 years ago when they last met. He was running the Central Intelligence Agency's covert war against communism in Central America from Honduras, where Mr. Negroponte was in his first ambassadorial post.

The greeting was a reminder that in a four-decade diplomatic career, Mr. Negroponte, 65, has often operated on the fringes of the secret world of intelligence.

Now, as the United States fights another borderless war against a different enemy, terrorism, he is about to move to the center of that world, as the first director of national intelligence. His task will be to coordinate 15 spy agencies so that the United States is never again surprised as it was on Sept. 11, 2001, nor as ill-informed as it was about Iraq's weapons programs.

Mr. Negroponte's career has been distinguished by an unflinching allegiance to his government's policies, whether he was helping arm the Nicaraguan contras or lining up support for the war in Iraq as ambassador to the United Nations. As he prepares for Senate confirmation hearings next month, a central question is whether the traits that served him well as a diplomat are suited to a post that may require him to tell the president what he does not want to hear.

"It's a hugely different job," said Lee H. Hamilton, vice chairman of the commission that examined the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks and recommended creation of the intelligence czar's job.

"The diplomat's job is to carry out the policy of the United States government, which is set by the president," said Mr. Hamilton, a former congressman from Indiana. "In the intelligence job, John Negroponte will have to tell the president what we know and what we don't know - whether the intelligence supports or undercuts the policy. It takes courage and considerable gumption to say, 'Mr. President, the intelligence does not run the way you'd like it to.' "

Over the years, Mr. Negroponte has developed a reputation as a poker-faced diplomat who never betrays his personal views. If he harbored doubts before the war in Iraq, he never let it show, said Paul Heinbecker, who was Canadian ambassador to the United Nations at the time. "He didn't expose whether he thought the position of his country was 100 percent sound, 90 percent sound or 20 percent sound," Mr. Heinbecker said. "He's very much the United States' representative."

In five ambassadorships - the others were Mexico and the Philippines - and in Washington, Mr. Negroponte has helped broker peace in Vietnam, negotiated a treaty to protect the ozone layer, cajoled congressmen to accept the North American Free Trade Agreement and ushered Iraq through its first democratic elections.

Mr. Negroponte, who declined to be interviewed for this article, will go to work amid echoes of the disputes that surrounded the covert wars of the 1980's and have shadowed his career ever since. News coverage of the fight against terror includes near-daily reports of abuse of detainees, of the C.I.A. secretly transporting terrorism suspects to foreign prisons, of politicized intelligence and partisan debate about how to protect American security while preserving American values.

Respected by Democrats as well as Republicans for his preference for quiet negotiation over public grandstanding, his unfailing courtesy and his knowledge of foreign affairs, Mr. Negroponte has inspired loyalty from many former colleagues. They say he is no ideologue but a nonpartisan pragmatist, a tough American conservative with deep European roots.

But Mr. Negroponte has become a lightning rod for liberal activists, led by those who opposed the Reagan-era Central American intervention as brutal and unnecessary and view the current Bush policy of pre-emption as a rerun. They say Mr. Negroponte carried out harsh orders then and fear he will carry out harsher orders now.

Michael Ratner, president of the Center for Constitutional Rights in New York, called Mr. Negroponte's nomination "scary as heck." Mr. Ratner recalled a cool reception when he pressed human rights concerns with Mr. Negroponte in Honduras two decades ago. Today Mr. Ratner is an advocate for more than 100 Iraqis who say they were tortured in American detention centers.

"Then, the feeling was they could use any means necessary to defeat communism," Mr. Ratner said. "Today, the belief is they can use any means necessary to defeat terrorism."

Charles Hill, a retired diplomat now at Yale University, sees a different parallel. During the 1980's and today, he said, some Americans wrongly focused on scattered abuses, failing to comprehend that "strength and diplomacy have to be worked together" to overcome tyranny and terrorism.

Mr. Hill finds the notion of Mr. Negroponte as a defender of torturers a preposterous caricature. "He's the ideal person for this intelligence job," Mr. Hill said. "He's intellectually courageous and honest. He's held his positions against all kinds of pressure."

The son of a Greek shipping executive - the family name comes from the old name of a Greek island - Mr. Negroponte was born in London and grew up on Park Avenue in Manhattan and on Long Island. He graduated from Phillips Exeter Academy and Yale (in the same class as Porter J. Goss, the director of central intelligence) and took ski vacations at the family's home in Switzerland. His friends say he is driven by ambition and a sense of public service.

Mr. Negroponte left Harvard Law School to join the Foreign Service in 1960. By 1964, he was in Vietnam - Vietnamese is among the five languages he speaks - and would be immersed in the country over the next decade as an aide to Henry A. Kissinger in Saigon, Paris and Washington.

Mr. Negroponte eventually broke with his mentor, arguing that Dr. Kissinger's peace treaty undercut the South Vietnamese. It was a rare rebellion, and it slowed his career. But he never went public.

"John just said, 'I want out,' and went off to the embassy in Ecuador as economics officer," said Robert B. Oakley, who shared an office with him in Saigon. "His approach has always been to work from within."

Mr. Negroponte arrived in Honduras in 1981 just as President Ronald Reagan authorized paramilitary operations against the leftist government of Nicaragua. Honduras became the base for the Nicaraguan opposition, known as the contras, and their C.I.A. supporters.

This period has haunted Mr. Negroponte. Not only rights activists but also Jack R. Binns, Mr. Negroponte's predecessor as ambassador, have accused him of discouraging reporting to Washington of abductions, torture and killings by notorious Honduran military units.

"I think he was complicit in abuses, I think he tried to put a lid on reporting abuses and I think he was untruthful to Congress about those activities," said Mr. Binns, now retired in Arizona.

A 1997 report by the inspector general of the C.I.A. seemed to support the accusations, saying Mr. Negroponte was "particularly sensitive" about reporting abuses.

He has rejected the charges, and the evidence is equivocal. In 2001, at his confirmation hearing for the United Nations job, Mr. Negroponte labeled the C.I.A. assertion "absolutely false." He said that democracy was the best guarantor of both human rights and peace, and that he had tried to nourish Honduras's fledgling elected government while complaining privately of abuses.

"Could I have been more vocal?" Mr. Negroponte said. "Well, you know, in retrospect perhaps I could have been."

Two former subordinates in Honduras say they heard Mr. Negroponte raise specific cases of abuse with Gen. Gustavo Alvarez Martinez, the hard-line military chief. "I remember very difficult conversations with Alvarez on the treatment of prisoners," said Raymond F. Burghardt, political counselor from 1982 to 1984.

What appears indisputable is that Mr. Negroponte played an active role in managing the contra war. "Negroponte was a big supporter of the agency's covert action mission," said Mr. Clarridge, the C.I.A. veteran.

Declassified records from 1983 show Mr. Negroponte asking Washington to authorize 3,000 weapons to be shipped secretly to Honduras to arm the contras.

"What you have is an ambassador putting on a C.I.A. station chief's hat," said Peter Kornbluh of the National Security Archive at George Washington University. "Some people might say this makes him more qualified for the new intelligence job."

Leo Valladares Lanza, a law professor who as Honduras's human rights commissioner investigated 184 "disappearances" in the early 1980's, said Mr. Negroponte made aiding the contras a far higher priority than preventing abuses.

"I think he could have stopped all these assassinations and torture," Dr. Valladares said. Of the intelligence job, he added: "We're against this nomination. If he didn't see human rights violations in Honduras, it's possible he won't see human rights violations anywhere in the world."

After his stint in Honduras, Mr. Negroponte held a series of less-prominent posts over the next dozen years. As an assistant secretary of state, he worked on AIDS, ozone and sea law. He served in the Reagan White House as deputy national security adviser. As ambassador to the United Nations, Mr. Negroponte pressed on foreign colleagues American intelligence on Iraqi weapons that turned out to be profoundly flawed.

If he was miffed, Mr. Negroponte never spoke out. "Colin Powell was the good soldier, and John Negroponte was the good soldier to the good soldier," said Sir Jeremy Greenstock, then British ambassador to the United Nations. Dispatched last July to Iraq, Mr. Negroponte worked closely with what intelligence officials describe as the largest C.I.A. station in the world. He was deliberately as inconspicuous in public as his predecessor with the Coalition Provisional Authority, L. Paul Bremer III, had been visible.

"He was told to play a low-key role and let the Iraqis be out front," said Mr. Clarridge, the C.I.A. retiree. "And that's what he likes to do, anyway."

Mr. Negroponte shifted more than $1 billion to build up the Iraqi Army from reconstruction projects, a move prompted by his experience with the frailty of the South Vietnamese Army, said Mr. Oakley, the former colleague from Vietnam.

Before the Jan. 30 election, Mr. Negroponte also defeated a plan proposed by some officials to send political consultants to Iraq to try to head off too big a victory by religious Shiites, said Bernard Aronson, a former assistant secretary of state and an old friend. Mr. Negroponte "had the courage to say no," arguing that American meddling could undermine the legitimacy of the vote, Mr. Aronson said.

Of Mr. Negroponte's new intelligence position, two dozen current and former government officials interviewed agreed that the job is fraught with hazards.

"You have a bureaucracy, and you put another bureaucracy on top of it, and you expect the bureaucracy on top to solve the problems of the bureaucracy below?" said Fred C. Iklé, a former defense official who worked with Mr. Negroponte in the Reagan administration. "Good luck to him!"

Washington Times
March 29, 2005
Pg. 6

Bush Approves Tough New Plan To Battle Spies

By Bill Gertz, The Washington Times

Nearly 80 Americans have been caught spying since 1985, and the Bush administration has launched a more aggressive anti-spying effort to better combat foreign intelligence activities, according to a new strategy report made public yesterday.

The National Counterintelligence Strategy was approved March 1 by President Bush, marking the first time that the U.S. government has sought to formulate a comprehensive counterspy program, said Michelle Van Cleave, head of the office of the national counterintelligence executive, a White House-level intelligence post.

The strategy calls for "specific counterintelligence policies for attacking foreign intelligence services systematically via strategic counterintelligence operations," stated the report, which was released yesterday.

The new strategy "will require substantial changes in the conduct of U.S. counterintelligence," Miss Van Cleave said.

"These changes include a renewed intelligence focus on hostile services and intelligence capabilities, including those of terrorist groups, and proactive efforts to defeat them," she said.

The strategy will call for the FBI, CIA and other intelligence components to "identify, assess, neutralize and exploit foreign intelligence activities before they can do harm to the United States."

The 22-page report said the Americans arrested for passing classified data to foreign governments caused strategic damage that, in a time of war, could have been worse.

The spies included the 1980s spy ring headed by John A. Walker Jr., which supplied U.S. military code secrets to Moscow for more than 17 years; the Army spy ring led by Sgt. Clyde Lee Conrad that passed NATO secrets to the Soviet Union for more than 18 years; and espionage by CIA turncoat Aldrich Ames, who sold secrets to Moscow for more than nine years.

Other damaging spy cases in recent years include the case of FBI Agent Robert Hanssen, who gave Russia vital intelligence secrets for more than 21 years, and the case of Defense Intelligence Agency analyst Ana Montes, who spied for Cuba for more than 15 years until her arrest in 2001.

The report stated that the spy cases "reveal a systemic vulnerability" and lack of a "comprehensive focus" on protecting U.S. secrets.

U.S. counterintelligence "must be transformed into a more coordinated, communitywide effort to help neutralize penetrations of our government," the report said.

In addition to protecting secrets, the new strategy aims to protect U.S. technology from theft by adversaries.

"Today, more than 90 countries target sensitive U.S. technologies," the report said, noting that in addition to secret operations, foreign governments use businessmen, scientists and foreign students to steal trade secrets and other high technology.

The new strategy calls for replacing the current counterintelligence system, which is fragmented, lacks centralized leadership and focuses too much on individual spy cases, the report said.

In addition to policies aimed at attacking foreign spies, the new system will have an array of human, technical and computer counterintelligence activities.


#28

National Journal's CongressDaily
March 28, 2005

Lobbyists Work Base Closing Issue, Effectiveness Unclear

As the Pentagon prepares its 2005 base closure list, communities across the country are pouring millions of dollars into the pockets of lobbyists and consultants to shield hometown bases from the BRAC ax. But some defense analysts wonder how much influence these hired guns ultimately have over the Base Closure and Realignment Commission.

For the past year, delegations have increasingly sought precious face time with Defense Department officials to plead their case, but defense analysts say the impact lobbyists and other base advocates have is unclear.

"Service officials and others in the Defense Department may meet with lobbyists or consultants as a courtesy, but as far as the Pentagon's own decision-making process goes, it is completely closed," said Christopher Hellman, director of the project on military spending oversight at the Center for Arms Control and Nonproliferation.

That does not stop lobbyists from seeking to influence the nine members of the new BRAC commission that is taking shape in Washington. With the Pentagon's role in the process winding down and commission nominees gearing up to evaluate department recommendations, communities have one last chance to influence the process.

Once the Pentagon's list is submitted to Congress and the commission May 16, members will have less than four months to visit bases and hold regional hearings so local officials and lobbyists can be heard, Hellman said.

"Commissioners make site visits during this process, at which time communities are able to make their case," Hellman said. "You can't preclude anybody from speaking at these things, and that can include lobbyists."

Daniel Else, a defense analyst and base closure expert with the Congressional Research Service, agreed that the BRAC commission likely has more leeway to listen to community issues.

"But they're going to be mighty busy," Else said. "They'll have three and a half months of NoDoz and coffee to get through the process, which is going to be out in the open and probably pretty darn visible."

Although lobbyists and others seek to influence commission members, "it's probably going to be setting the framework for them," he said. "And everything they do will have to be justified in their final report."

Else noted that the Pentagon has long encouraged states and communities to invest in local infrastructure and other improvements, rather than using their assets to pay for lobbyists. But "most communities with something to lose want to leave no stone unturned," he said.

"If you don't spend the money and your base gets put on the list, then the finger pointing is going to start." Besides, he added, "who are you going to vote for? The one who tried to do everything possible. And those are the guys who are hiring the lobbyists."

-- by Amy Klamper


#29

Columbia (SC) State
March 27, 2005

Shaw Touts Its Space To Grow

Base also promotes its role in homeland defense, its location and its parallel runways

By Chuck Crumbo, Staff Writer

SUMTER — Vermont’s Green Mountain Boys could be flying to the rescue of Shaw Air Force Base.

The Vermont Air National Guard has an F-16 fighter unit at the Sumter base, ready to intercept a terrorist attack against U.S. cities. Its presence underlines the need to keep Shaw open in the post-9/11 world, advocates say.

“The homeland defense mission is a strong mission at Shaw,” said retired Air Force Maj. Gen. Tom Olsen, who is spearheading Sumter’s efforts to spare Shaw from the Pentagon’s budget-cutting ax. “Shaw is well-positioned to cover the East and Southeast portion of the United States.”

Despite that, some say Shaw is the most vulnerable military installation in South Carolina heading into the 2005 round of base closings.

The Sumter base’s predicament was summed up by Gov. Mark Sanford while talking about efforts to protect S.C. bases. Shaw is “the spot with the brightest light on it,” he said.

That light will continue to glare at least until May 16, when the Defense Department recommends bases for closing.

Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld has suggested that bases in the United States could be trimmed about 25 percent, to 300. S.C. leaders take Rumsfeld’s remark to mean almost all bases are at risk of closing.

South Carolina is no stranger to base closings, losing installations at Myrtle Beach and Charleston in previous base-closing rounds.

What worries state and local officials is how closing Shaw would hurt Sumter, including a 1995 projection that joblessness could almost triple.

“I think we’d be impacted more than any other community in the state,” said Sumter mayor Joe McElveen, an Air Force veteran once stationed at Shaw. “We don’t have the immediate resources of a Charleston or Myrtle Beach,” where local economies rely on tourism.

A 1995 report predicted Sumter County joblessness — then 6 percent — would soar to 16 percent if Shaw were closed.

Today, joblessness is almost 11 percent in Sumter, where Shaw accounts for about 20 percent of the total personal income earned in the county.

Shaw’s influence on the Sumter economy is huge.

*Shaw’s annual economic impact on the Sumter community totals $1 billion.

*Shaw is the county’s No. 1 employer, accounting for nearly 13,000 jobs, directly or indirectly.

*Also, 60 percent of Shaw’s airmen live off base. If the base closes and they leave, the housing market would suffer depressed rents and prices, said USC research economist Donald Schunk.

Worries about Shaw’s future stem from its showing in the 1995 base-closing round.

Shaw was not on that list, but it ranked in the middle of U.S. bases, touching off speculation that it would be a prime candidate for future closure.

While the 2005 base-closing list is still being pulled together by the Defense Department, Shaw already has made a “BRAC list” compiled by Carlton Meyer, editor of the Web site g2mil.com.

Meyer, who published his thoughts about which bases should be closed, included Shaw because it has excess capacity. Excluding the temporarily assigned Green Mountain Boys, the base currently is the home to only three Air Force F-16 squadrons.

The Air Force also has a motivation to cut costs. It needs to close bases to pay for new weapons, such as the F-22 fighter, which costs about $257 million per plane, Meyer said.

However, Meyer predicts Shaw could survive if the Air Force moves at least one F-16 squadron from overseas back to Sumter.

Supporters say the Green Mountain Boys’ mission shows Shaw has enough room for another unit and also enhances the base’s value to the nation’s defense.

The Sumter community has spent the past decade trying to sell Shaw to the Pentagon as a base that can take on more missions and personnel.

Shaw is home to the 20th Fighter Wing, and its planes have been in every major U.S. conflict since the base’s 1941 opening.

Most recently, Shaw’s fighters were deployed for the invasion of Iraq. At the war’s height, Shaw had about 1,300 airmen deployed.

Shaw crews continue to go to the Persian Gulf. By May, 400 to 500 Sumter-based airmen will be in the region.

In addition, the 9th Air Force, which commands all U.S. air forces in the Gulf region, is based at Shaw.

Time and money are two considerations weighing in Shaw’s favor, said Brig. Gen. George Patrick of Gov. Sanford’s Military Task Force.

Shaw pilots are within minutes of three training ranges.

Poinsett Bombing Range is just south of Shaw’s runways, allowing pilots to simulate attacks. The Gamecock and Bulldog flying ranges — large sections of airspace over the Pee Dee and northeast Georgia, where pilots train — also are nearby, Patrick said.

South Carolina’s location along the coast also gives pilots training space over the Atlantic that is out of the main flying lanes for airliners shuttling between Miami and New York, Patrick added.

Already, the Defense Department has said it will not give up training ranges. Thus, Bulldog, Gamecock and Poinsett will continue to be used after this year’s base closings.

Patrick contends moving Shaw’s fighters to another base — but still having them train at the Georgia and S.C. ranges — would make no sense. Flying from the new bases would cost the Air Force time and money, said Patrick, chief of the S.C. Air National Guard.

“Do you and I want to pay at today’s prices for the jet fuel required to drive from a base 400 or 500 miles away to get to training air space, as opposed to a base that’s 10 minutes away?” Patrick asked. “The advantage of flying tactical aircraft in South Carolina is that you waste almost no time and no money getting to the training.”

Supporters hope to turn one of Shaw’s weaknesses — its underutilization — into a strength — offering space to grow.

Since his election in 1982, U.S. Rep. John Spratt, D-York, has helped funnel about $88 million into Shaw to renovate and build more facilities.

The construction has included improved housing, a new wing headquarters, a dining room, an education center, even floodlights for servicing aircraft at night. An $8.5 million deployment center is under construction.

“Shaw’s an installation that could grow by 50 percent, and you would not have to spend anything on military construction,” Patrick said.

New or improved facilities do not necessarily ensure a base will escape closing, said Christopher Hellman, director of the Project on Military Spending Oversight. But they enhance a base’s stock if the Pentagon is looking for places to move planes and troops without having to pay for new facilities.

If base housing is being updated or new construction is under way, that’s a plus as well. The military wants to improve the quality of life for its troops so they will re-enlist, Hellman said.

For example, Shaw is planning to build about 1,000 housing units for military families through a public-private partnership.

“If your approach is to be a good neighbor and say to the military, ‘How can we better work with you?’ — then that’s going to have some resonance,” Hellman said.

Shaw’s other ace in the hole, Olsen says, is it is one of few bases with twin, parallel runways. By operating two side-by-side runways, Shaw can launch fighters twice as fast — a key factor in the post-9/11 world in which the military needs to respond quickly to threats like the terrorist attacks that struck the World Trade Center and the Pentagon.

Another advantage, local leaders hope, is that a number of the nation’s senior Air Force leaders once were stationed at Shaw.

For example, Air Force chief Gen. John Jumper and his deputy, Gen. Michael Moseley, both are former 9th Air Force commanders.

Having friends in high places helps Sumter in getting its message through to the Air Force leadership, Olsen said.

Col. Phil Ruhlman, the base’s current commander, says the relationship between Shaw and Sumter is renowned in the Air Force.

Ruhlman credits Sumter’s size, its Southern hospitality and its military tradition with helping the Air Force feel at home. He believes the feeling is mutual, noting that up to 50,000 are expected to attend the Shawfest air show on April 23.

“I think we have a good relationship,” Ruhlman said. “If you want to say it’s magical, well it is.”

Mayor McElveen, who also is honorary base commander, says any obituaries for Shaw are premature.

“Everything we hear is pretty positive.”


Washington Post
March 29, 2005
Pg. 13

U.S. Says Rights Are Key To Relations

Report Is Critical of Allies but Omits Mention of U.S. Abuses

By Glenn Kessler, Washington Post Staff Writer

The State Department, releasing an annual report on its efforts to promote human rights and democracy, declared yesterday that upholding human rights will be key to assessing relations with other countries. But the report sidestepped mention of U.S. prison abuse scandals in Iraq and Afghanistan, which had prompted a delay in the report last year.

Although the report was critical of U.S. allies such as Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, the nearly 300-page document also illustrated exceptions to the administration's pledge to make human rights the hallmark of its bilateral relations. Libya, for instance, was harshly condemned as "among the world's worst violators of human rights," but in the past year the administration has lifted economic sanctions and begun to normalize relations with Libya after it gave up its programs to build weapons of mass destruction.

Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has made promotion of democracy a central part of her diplomacy since taking office two months ago. On releasing the report, she told reporters that "in all that lies ahead, our nation will continue to clarify for other nations the moral choice between oppression and freedom, and we will make it clear that ultimately success in our relations depends on the treatment of their own people."

Rice's preface to the report drove home that theme as well, declaring that in the past year there has been a "dramatic shift in the world's landscape" after elections in Iraq, Afghanistan and the Palestinian territories, and the successful effort to overturn fraudulent elections in Ukraine. The report said that, for the United States, "promoting freedom [is] the bedrock of foreign policy."

Acting Assistant Secretary of State Michael G. Kozak was peppered with questions about the administration's support of nations with less-than-stellar records on democracy. Last week, for instance, the administration announced it would sell F-16 fighter jets to Pakistan, which is ruled by a general who seized power in a bloodless coup in 1999.

Kozak said it is difficult to apply a "scientific cookie-cutter approach" that works consistently. "Sometimes it's the carrot, and sometimes it's the stick," he said, adding that the right combination will vary by country. "You can slice and dice this any way you want. Hopefully, you know, the sausage machine produces something that's halfway coherent at the end."

Amnesty International applauded the U.S. initiatives outlined in the report but said U.S. credibility is hurt by the prison abuse scandal and the administration's practice of sending some terrorism suspects to countries that the State Department has criticized for their use of torture. Many of the administration's policies to promote democracy and human rights will be greeted with "deep skepticism" if current practices continue, the human rights group said in a statement.

Kozak maintained that the problems caused by the images of the abuse at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq have been mitigated by the fact that many soldiers have been court-martialed. "Our system is there, it's working," he said.


#31

Fort Lauderdale Sun-Sentinel
March 28, 2005

S. Florida VA Hospitals Brace For A Wave Of Post-Traumatic Stress Cases

By Mike Clary, Staff Writer

They may be home from the war in Iraq, yet they are not home free.

Replaying gory scenes of death and destruction, some combat veterans are unable to sleep for more than minutes at a time. Some fight anger and anxiety with alcohol and drugs. Depression is common. Almost all bear invisible scars.

Michael Culmer, 25, who manned a 120 mm mortar for the U.S. Army outside Ramadi, survived his tour of duty by becoming numb, feeling no emotion even when his commanding officer took a fatal shrapnel wound to the head. Now back in his hometown of Miami, "I just want to get off meds and feel like the person I was," he said.

As more soldiers return from the war zone, some from second tours of duty, mental-health counselors with the Veterans Affairs Department in Broward, Palm Beach and Miami-Dade counties are bracing for a growing tide of men and women suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder.

"Last year at this time we were seeing a trickle of Iraq war vets. Now we're seeing many more," said Joe Griffis, a readjustment therapist at the VA-run Vet Center in Lake Worth. "And it's going to get worse before it gets better."

Months after running high-risk supply convoys across the desert, James Nappier of Loxahatchee finds himself on the lookout for roadside bombs while driving the streets of Palm Beach County, tensing at the wheel when a fast-moving vehicle approaches from the rear, just as he did in Iraq.

"I'd like to say I'll be the old me again, but I realize I've changed for life," said Nappier, 46, whose Seabees unit, Naval Mobile Construction Battalion 14, lost seven men. "I feel different from other people."

Days past the second anniversary of the U.S. invasion of Iraq, some costs of the war are clear. More than 1,500 American service members have been killed, more than 11,000 have been wounded and the nation itself remains deeply divided over whether the war was worth waging.

Other, less visible, costs are mounting as well. With some experts estimating that up to 17 percent of those who see duty in Iraq and Afghanistan may suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder, six of seven VA treatment centers in the United States say they will be unable to serve all those who need treatment, according to the Government Accounting Office study. The U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs has increased the treatment budget by $100 million.

In South Florida, both the Miami VA Medical Center, which serves Miami-Dade, Broward and Monroe counties, and the West Palm Beach VA Medical Center in Riviera Beach have applied for federal grants to beef up counseling staffs. "For the next year, we will be able to handle the numbers," said Dr. Maria Llorente, the Miami VA's chief of psychiatry. "But we will feel the pinch."

In testimony earlier this month before the House Appropriations Committee, U.S. Army Gen. John P. Abizaid of Central Command warned, "We know that a casualty of war can as much be a psychological patient as a young man or woman that has lost their arm or leg."

Counselors at the two South Florida VA hospitals, several satellite clinics and the VA-run Vet Centers in Palm Beach, Broward and Miami-Dade counties have launched aggressive campaigns to reach veterans who need help. "If vets don't come in now, they will come in later when in crisis," said Patrick Murphy, a counselor at the Miami Vet Center who organized a job fair at the center this month that drew 71 people.

"We are reaching a lot of guys. But you have to wait them out until they are ready."

Indeed, more than 20 years after the American Psychiatric Association defined as post-traumatic stress disorder what in World War II was known as "battle fatigue" or "shell shock," many combat veterans remain reluctant to admit a need for psychological help. "Compared to the time of the Vietnam War, there is more awareness now," said Jerry Troyer, a Vietnam veteran and PTSD program manager at the Riviera Beach VA hospital. "Still, the idea of going for mental-health care while on active duty does not go over well."

Yet almost everyone who has served in Iraq -- a combat zone where there are no safe havens -- shows some post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms, counselors agree. "Lots of death, lots of issues to handle," said Bobby White, a Vietnam veteran who directs the Fort Lauderdale Vet Center.

Not all combat vets seek treatment, of course. Cory Cunningham, 25, who served a year in Iraq with the 124th Infantry Regiment of the Florida National Guard, said he has adjusted to civilian life without counseling. Yet, he added: "I tend to notice vehicles speeding up on me in rear-view mirror. And I tend to be a little more aware of my surroundings."

Out of work for several months, Cunningham, of Palm Beach Gardens, said he has volunteered to return to active duty. He is due to leave for Afghanistan next month.

Those who do seek help often have no choice. Culmer, who enlisted in the Army just before Sept. 11, 2001, spent months with the 1st Infantry Division, conducting house-to-house searches and firing mortar rounds at the enemy from Camp Junction City outside Ramadi. "I felt like I was starring in my own movie -- invincible, not scared, just numb," he said.

But after flying into a rage he directed at follow soldiers, Culmer was relieved of his gunner duties.

Honorably discharged this month, Culmer is attending barber college, repairing his marriage and, with his father, a Vietnam veteran, attending weekly group-therapy session at the Veterans of Foreign Wars Post 8195 in Hollywood. He also is set to begin psychotherapy at the Miami VA.

Tall, muscular and articulate, Culmer is physically whole. But he knows he has been hurt by the war and left with a world of unfocused anger. "Sometimes I feel like a different breed, a different species of person," he said. "The war opened another eye in me. I see the world differently."

Nappier, too, has been wounded.

The May 2004 rocket attack that left him with severe nerve damage to his right leg and arm killed five Seabees, all friends, from his West Palm Beach reserve unit. While taking antidepressants to calm his anxiety, his days are filled with physical therapy and worry.

"Not a day goes by that I don't think about the friends I lost," said Nappier, who worked as a water-well driller before going to Iraq. "I have a lot of guilt about what happened. "And now I have a sister over there. So I worry about her, too."



#32

Wall Street Journal (WSJ.com)
March 29, 2005

US Pacific Cmdr Worried About China Military Expansion

MANILA (AP)--A month after assuming command of U.S. forces in the Pacific, Adm. William J. Fallon Tuesday voiced apprehension about China's military expansion and its intentions toward Taiwan, while promising "whatever assets we may have" to Southeast Asian allies fighting terrorists.

Fallon said his priorities as head of the largest of nine U.S. military commands - an area stretching from the U.S. West Coast to the Pacific and across the Indian Ocean - would be fighting the war on terror and building regional military cooperation so "we can put ourselves in a position where we can respond quickly."

He also noted China's increasing military presence and the repercussions for Taiwan - the second-most dangerous flashpoint in the region after the Korean Peninsula.

"China is becoming a significant power in the region," Fallon told the Associated Press in a wide-raging interview. "I don't know what the desired end state is. I'm not sure they do either.

"They're vibrant, they have huge resources and lots of needs. I believe they are beginning to look outward, and they haven't done so for decades," he said.

"They're working their way into becoming a power, and we recognize that. The issue would be how they plan to position themselves, what are the objectives, what is the motivation behind this pretty obvious building of military power."

Fallon said that last year, China acquired "a lot of high-tech equipment that doesn't particularly seem defensive to me." He also called China's anti-secession law aimed at Taiwan, which the mainland views as a renegade territory, "unhelpful" in defusing the tension across the Taiwan Strait.

"The position of my government is that we ask no oversteps are taken to upset the status quo," he said.

The U.S. is bound by the Taiwan Relations Act to help Taiwan defend itself if China attacks and is the only major nation that sells advanced weapons to the self-ruled island.

Fallon, who had just visited Seoul, said Pyongyang "has demonstrated a track record of less than predictable decision-making.

"Its declaration recently that they have nuclear weapons capabilities may or may not be true," he said. "We certainly know from many sources that they appear to be working on this and maybe they have nuclear weapons."

He said he was deeply concerned about North Korea's ballistic missiles program, "one of the few in the world in the hands of people that give us reason to pause."

"If in fact they do have nuclear weapons and if they were to marry up those weapons to the delivery systems, if they were to proliferate those delivery systems to other nations, it's a real concern," he said.

Fallon, 60, who was inside the Pentagon when a hijacked passenger jet crashed into the building when it was attacked on Sept. 11, 2001, killing 42 people, said he has "a very personal understanding" of terrorism.

He said terror groups like Southeast Asia's Jemaah Islamiyah and the Abu Sayyaf in the Philippines "seem to cooperate when it suits them."

"Some appear to be very well organized with very hard connections to al-Qaida network," he said, without elaborating. "They find mutual consolation in helping each other."

Recent Philippine military intelligence reports said the two groups have turned the southern Philippines - where U.S. soldiers are training Filipino troops - into a major training ground for explosives and combat tactics. Jemaah Islamiyah is blamed for a string of deadly bombings in Indonesia in recent years, while the Abu Sayyaf is accused of various violent attacks in the Philippines.

Fallon promised more military assistance to countries like the Philippines and Indonesia.

"We're quite willing and ready to put whatever assets we may have, whatever capabilities, into this effort," he said. "It's not just a local problem."


#33

Wall Street Journal
March 29, 2005
Pg. 1

China Flexes Economic Muscle Throughout Burgeoning Africa

By Karby Leggett, Staff Reporter Of The Wall Street Journal

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia -- When this east African country went to war against neighboring Eritrea in the late 1990s, the U.S. responded by evacuating its Peace Corps volunteers, scaling back military aid and issuing a security warning to U.S. citizens and companies.

The Chinese government had a different reaction. Beijing saw the war -- and the reduced U.S. presence -- as an opportunity to expand its influence. It dispatched even more diplomats, engineers, businessmen and teachers to Ethiopia. New aid grants soon rolled in, followed by bank credits for Chinese companies operating there.

Today, China's influence in Ethiopia is overwhelming. Its embassy is among the largest in the country and hosts more high-level visits than any Western mission. Chinese companies have become a dominant force, building highways and bridges, power stations, mobile-phone networks, schools and pharmaceutical plants. More recently, they have begun exploring for oil and building at least one Ethiopian military installation.

It's all part of Beijing's broad push into Africa. Aiming to secure access to the continent's vast natural resources, China is forging deep economic, political and military ties with most of Africa's 54 countries. There's more at stake than just fuel for an economic juggernaut, however, say senior Chinese officials, executives and Western diplomats. In Africa, as in many other parts of the developing world, China is redrawing geopolitical alliances in ways that help propel China's rise as a global superpower. China is courting other countries to support its plan to reassert political authority over Taiwan and seeking a counterweight against U.S. power in global bodies such as the United Nations. It's also thinking long-term, cultivating desperately poor nations to serve as markets for its products decades down the road.

For the U.S., China's Africa initiative poses new challenges. Despite a landmark trade pact signed with Africa in 2000, U.S. influence has leveled off in many African countries and in some cases declined. Now, as Washington focuses its attention on the Middle East, it faces a formidable player in a region key to future U.S. economic and security interests.

In oil-rich Nigeria, China is rebuilding the railroad network. In Rwanda, Chinese companies have paved more than 80% of the main roads. In more than a dozen African countries, Chinese firms are searching for oil and gas and rebuilding electricity grids and telephone networks. Chinese companies own one of Zambia's largest copper mines and run a major timber operation in Equatorial Guinea. In tiny Lesotho, Chinese businessmen own and operate nearly half of all the supermarkets and a handful of textile companies.

Though these interests stretch from massive state-funded projects to small private ventures, they all share a common thread: Beijing's policy of actively encouraging its companies and citizens to set up shop in Africa at a record pace.

"China has simply exploded into Africa, as in 'Katie-bar-the-door stuff,' " says Walter Kansteiner, a former U.S. assistant secretary of state for African affairs. Adds Rep. Ed Royce, a California Republican and vice chairman of a House subcommittee that deals with Africa: "China's increasing engagement in Africa is a concern and we need to focus on it before Beijing becomes fully established."

Last year, Africa supplied more than 15% of U.S. oil imports, and the figure is forecast to rise sharply in the decade ahead. Africa is also becoming a major global supplier for metals, timber and other natural resources.

Yet in some of Africa's most promising commodities markets, China is now challenging U.S. and other Western firms for access to these goods. Since 2000, China's trade with Africa has nearly tripled to almost $30 billion. Last year, China spent almost $10 billion on African oil, accounting for nearly one-third of its total crude imports. That's twice as much as it imported from Saudi Arabia, traditionally one of Beijing's biggest suppliers. In oil-rich Angola, where ChevronTexaco Corp. and Exxon Mobil Corp. have large operations, China has become a major buyer and an increasingly active investor.

Unlike the U.S., which bars U.S. companies from doing business with some outlaw regimes, Beijing expresses no qualms about dealing with the continent's most brutal and corrupt leaders. Instead, Chinese leaders prefer to view their relationship through a North-South prism, emphasizing the need for developing nations to band together against the industrialized West. "China is ready to coordinate its positions with African countries...with a view to safeguarding the legitimate rights and interests of developing countries," said Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao during a 2003 speech in Ethiopia.

What's more, many Chinese companies operating in Africa are government-owned and less concerned with near-term profits. Indeed, by reaching out to African leaders who are shunned by Western nations, and throwing money at projects Western companies avoid, Chinese officials and businessmen say they are able to secure more business deals and build political influence at a far more rapid pace.

Consider Sudan, a war-torn nation set across from Saudi Arabia on the coast of the Red Sea. In 1997, the U.S. passed a law barring U.S. oil companies from investing there, saying Sudanese leaders had engaged in human-rights abuses and sponsored terrorism. In the years that followed, China invested more than $2 billion in Sudan's oil industry. Today, Sudan provides China with nearly 5% of its annual oil imports. Beijing, meantime, has become one of Sudan's largest arms suppliers, according to foreign diplomats and aid workers in the region. China's foreign affairs ministry declined to comment.

More recently, the U.S. sought to impose United Nations sanctions on Sudan amid continuing violence in the Darfur region, where pro-government militiamen have raped and murdered civilians while suppressing a rebel uprising. Beijing deflated these sanction efforts by threatening to use its veto power in the U.N. Security Council. Yet far from seeing itself as complicit in Sudanese violence, Beijing sees the oil project as a symbol of China's reliability when others have left. "It's part of our policy of long-term cooperation that helps both sides," says Li Xiaobing, a senior Africa official at China's Ministry of Commerce.

A similar dynamic is now playing out in Zimbabwe. Over the past three years, the U.S. and European Union imposed sanctions on Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe and dozens of his closest government officials. In power for 25 years, Mr. Mugabe presides over what is widely regarded as one of Africa's most corrupt and ruthless regimes. Human-rights organizations and Western governments regularly cite his regime for its use of arbitrary arrests, torture and murder to suppress political dissent.

By sanctioning Zimbabwe, the U.S. and EU hoped to isolate and ultimately unseat Mr. Mugabe. China, as a matter of policy, has worked to blunt the impact, boosting aid and investment. Last year, it opened direct flights between the two countries. Chinese leaders still afford Mr. Mugabe huge respect. Since 1980, Beijing has invited the president to China seven times, feting him at banquets. Dozens of Chinese leaders, including former Communist part boss Jiang Zemin, have visited him.

The close ties are now paying dividends for such companies as China National Aero-Technology Import and Export Corp., or Catic. A trading company jointly owned by two large Chinese aerospace concerns, Catic between 2003 and 2004 signed a series of contracts valued at $300 million to rebuild Zimbabwe's electricity grid. It has a raft of other deals in the pipeline -- including possible military aircraft sales, company officials say. "We see Zimbabwe as a great opportunity, a great place to make money," says Wang Dawei, the company's vice president.

A spokesman for China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs declined to discuss Mr. Mugabe's human-rights record, saying "China and Zimbabwe have a traditional friendship and a relationship based on cooperation."

There is also a softer side to China's pursuit of Africa, one that could help Beijing if regimes that it's closely associated with, such as Sudan and Zimbabwe, are toppled. In 2000, Beijing voluntarily waived $1.2 billion in sovereign African debt and it recently agreed to bring some 10,000 African students to China on scholarships. Across Africa, it has dispatched hundreds of doctors and teachers in recent years.

China's ties to Africa date back to the 1950s, when Beijing threw its support behind African independence movements as a way to counter U.S. and Soviet influence in the region. These days, Beijing's emissaries to Africa have swapped their uniforms and weapons for business suits and name cards. In 2000, China established the pro-business China-Africa Cooperation Forum with 44 African nations, paving the way for a free-trade and investment pact with the region.

Few countries have felt China's influence as much as Ethiopia. Though China established relations with Ethiopia in 1970, ties were limited until the mid-1990s. That's when Beijing initiated a broader push across Africa in an effort to secure natural resources and political influence on the continent.

A decade later, Ethiopia has become a reflection of China's wider ambitions in Africa and the changes it portends for the region. A poor, landlocked nation of 68 million people, Ethiopia lacks the vast natural resources that have drawn China's interest in other countries. But it has something else Beijing craves: geopolitical clout in the region. Ethiopia is the source of the Blue Nile, the river that slakes Egypt's thirst. It is the meeting ground between largely Muslim north Africa and the Christian south. And it's the seat of the African Union, the political body that represents the continent.

Wu Ping, a tall man in his mid-40s, was one of Beijing's pioneers in Africa. In 1993, he was dispatched to Ethiopia by Catic, the state firm rebuilding Zimbabwe's electricity grid. His simple orders: open a trade company and develop political relationships. Mr. Wu began by selling things like milling equipment for sugar cane. Later he branched into tractors. Though he made little money, he forged close relations with Ethiopian officials, partially, he says, by paying the occasional bribe. "Sometimes it's the only way to get things done in Africa," he says. A Catic spokesman in Beijing says the company has a strict internal policy against paying bribes and denies it's a widespread problem.

Today, Mr. Wu cruises around Addis Ababa in a Toyota Land Cruiser and presides over a growing business empire. His latest project: an $11 million airport hanger that, when complete later this year, will be able to house the world's largest aircraft.

To secure the contract, Mr. Wu beat out an Australian company by deliberately underbidding the contract. Though he will lose money on the deal, he says it's all part of Catic's strategy. "Almost every African leader passes through this airport to attend meetings at the African Union," he says, standing a short distance from dozens of Chinese and African workers working at the construction site. "So they will all see our hangar."

Even more important, Mr. Wu says the owner of the hangar, Ethiopia Air, is mulling a large order of propeller aircraft, and the hangar contract has opened the door with officials who will play a role in that decision. "That's my company's real goal in Africa -- to sell airplanes, both commercial and military," he says.

Unlike Mr. Wu, Deng Guoping, general manager of China Road and Bridge Corp. in Ethiopia, says he's not sure his company will ever make money here. In the past six years, Mr. Guo has paved five highways stretching more than 300 miles. Three more roads are under construction and he's bidding on another three.

In all, Chinese contractors have stitched together a road network that reaches Ethiopia's northern border with Sudan to the eastern seaport of Djibouti to the southern border area with Kenya. China Road secured most of its contracts through public tenders. Yet Mr. Deng says he is instructed to slice projected profit margins so thin -- about 3% -- that losses are inevitable, given perennial cost overruns in Africa. Western businesses, by contrast, typically pad bids with projected profits of 15% and more. Even so, Mr. Deng has his eye on a range of new projects, including water reservoirs, airport facilities and a railway project. "We're a government company and the Chinese government wants us here building things," he says.

The U.S. still provides Ethiopia with more assistance than any other nation, nearly $500 million last year. But for U.S. companies, Ethiopia's small market, uncertain legal system and sometimes fast-changing political currents make the country a risky place to do business. One of the only U.S. companies with substantial business in Ethiopia is Boeing Co., which supplies Ethiopia Air with the passenger jets for its international routes.

In contrast, Chinese companies say these factors sometimes helps advance Beijing's wider goals. The story of Jiangxi International Economic and Technical Cooperation Co., another state firm active in Ethiopia, explains how. A few years ago, a flood in Ethiopia left a few hundred people homeless. Not long after, Beijing pledged about $4 million to build them new homes. It hired Jiangxi International as contractor. At a ground breaking ceremony, China's ambassador and Ethiopia officials shook hands and smiled for photographers.

About a year later, eight modern apartment buildings, each five floors with pink walls and blue-trim windows, were completed. But the homeless families never moved in. Instead, the complex was handed to Ethiopia's Ministry of Defense, which used them to house its own personnel. Today, a corrugated metal fence rings the complex, with a small group of guards stationed at one corner. "We don't really care who uses it," says a senior executive at Jiangxi International, requesting his name not be used. "It was a political task for us and so long as Ethiopia officials are happy, our goal is fulfilled."

A spokesman for Ethiopia's Ministry of Defense said the flood victims didn't like the apartments and were relocated to another neighborhood, and that the Ministry later purchased the apartment block.

Lately, Beijing has begun winning projects that have geopolitical relevance, such as Ethiopia's Takazee Dam -- a massive, $300 million hydro-power station that is rising on the headwaters of the Blue Nile River. Set deep in a mountainous region near the border with Sudan and Eritrea, the Takazee Dam has been on Ethiopia's drawing board for over a decade. But getting it off the ground hasn't been easy, thanks to Egypt. Cairo has long feared any project that could affect the flow of the Nile, viewing its own access to those waters as a matter of national security. Indeed, so great was its concern over Takazee that Egyptian officials have made clear that any attempt to divert Nile water could result in military action, according to senior Chinese and Egyptian officials.

That warning scared off the World Bank and other international financial organizations, and also raised concern among potential foreign contractors. Several years ago, Ethiopia announced it would finance the project on its own. Though a handful of Western contractors submitted bids, the Ethiopian government awarded the project to Chinese companies. Since then, Egypt has taken a more low-key attitude toward the dam. Chinese engineers say there are no immediate plans to divert the dam's waters for other uses, such as irrigation.

Today, the Takazee Dam is inching toward completion. Already, hundreds of Chinese engineers have carved out a vast administrative camp, an underground tunnel nearly a mile long and deep caves that will hold massive power turbines. Later this year, they will begin pouring the 600-foot-high cement dam. Once complete, the Takazee dam will stand as one of Africa's largest, and will help change the lives of those who live in northern Ethiopia, where electricity is often nonexistent. Ultimately, some of the power could be pooled into a regional power grid.

That would allow neighboring countries to tap into the power. And it would also further China's ambition of expanding oil and mineral exploration in the region, particularly in southern Sudan. Says Girma Biru, Ethiopia's Minister of Trade: "China has become our most reliable partner and there is a lot we can learn from Beijing, not just in economics but politics as well."


#34

London Financial Times
March 29, 2005

Washington Upgrades Ties With New Delhi

By Farhan Bokhari and Ray Marcelo

NEW DELHI and ISLAMABAD -- Washington has given its clearest support yet for New Delhi's ambitions to become a leading power by offering to sell India jet fighters, share civilian nuclear and space technology, and co-operate with energy policy.

The US measures, outlined at the weekend by India's foreign ministry, follow this month's visit to south Asia by Condoleezza Rice, US secretary of state, and represent a concrete package to "upgrade" blossoming ties between the countries.

"India is fast becoming a major world power and our interest is in helping to integrate that world power into the existing power structure in the world," said Adam Ereli, US State Department deputy spokesman.

US-India ties have been formalised through talks called "Next Steps in Strategic Partnership", which enable the countries to sidestep disagreements following the sanctions that Washington imposed on India after it successfully tested nuclear weapons in 1998.

A key disagreement has been India's refusal to sign the nuclear non-proliferation treaty. US law bans countries that have not signed the treaty from buying sensitive "dual use" technology that can be used for civilian and military purposes.

But analysts say the US's latest moves go beyond "Next Steps" by offering India access to nuclear power reactors - ending the 30-year export ban on this technology and in effect showing Washington trusts India as a nuclear power.

Navtej Sarna, spokesman for India's foreign ministry, said it showed an "understanding of India's growing energy requirements", in the lead-up to a joint "energy dialogue".

This dialogue will almost certainly involve India's plans to build a controversial gas pipeline to Iran, via Pakistan. Ms Rice said the US opposed the pipeline because of the Bush administration's "well known" antagonism to Iran.

Mr Ereli said as part of a multibillion dollar upgrade of India's armed forces, US defence companies would be allowed to bid for 126 "multi- role combat aircraft", a deal that for the first time would pit US companies against Russian, French and Swedish jet fighter makers.

This follows the Bush administration's long-anticipated decision to sell F-16 fighter aircraft to Pakistan. Foreign diplomats say this deal, alongside the potential sale of F-16 and F-18 jets to India, represents a vigorous attempt by the US to break into the south Asian arms market.

It is understood the US offer to Pakistan includes the sale of at least 25 new F-16 C and D models, which are capable of deploying nuclear weapons, and upgrades for some 28 older model F-16s.

Pakistani officials estimate this deal could be worth up to Dollars 1bn (Euros 770m, Pounds 535m) while a western diplomat in Islamabad said a US and India agreement could "go up to Dollars 4bn or Dollars 5bn". But Pakistani officials say any agreement between Washington and New Delhi could harm longstanding defence ties between Russia and India.

Washington Post
March 29, 2005
Pg. 9

Kyrgyzstan Forms Makeshift Government

New Parliament Wins Support, Then Endorses Interim President in Series of Compromises

By Karl Vick, Washington Post Foreign Service

BISHKEK, Kyrgyzstan, March 28 -- Prospects for political stability in this Central Asian country rose Monday as most major political leaders agreed on which of two competing parliaments had the right to rule, and the winning chamber quickly endorsed an interim president.

The breakthrough, four days after the elected president fled during a massive street protest, left Kyrgyzstan with a makeshift government fashioned from incongruous parts.

The new executive branch is dominated by Kurmanbek Bakiyev, who led the protests. Legislative functions will be fulfilled by the parliament whose disputed election earlier this month sparked the uprising.

"Everybody's being patriotic," said Edil Baisalov, leader of a coalition of civic action groups deeply involved in the campaign against Askar Akayev's government. "Nobody's going to have a showdown."

Under the deal, Bakiyev, a former prime minister, got both his old title and that of president through a hasty 54-to-0 vote of the newly elected legislature.

The outcome disappointed members of the previous parliament, the body in power before the disputed elections. Those members briefly returned after protesters commandeered Akayev's headquarters, known as the White House, on Thursday.

Tensions rose briefly outside the parliament building Monday when police and soldiers formed a cordon against a few dozen frustrated supporters of the old parliament. A handful of government workers hurried out of the building, saying they feared an assault.

"If the new parliament is seated, that means the elections were honest," complained an unsigned statement circulated after the old parliament agreed to dissolve itself Monday morning. "So basically the Revolution of the 24th of March has been overturned in three days."

But much of the talk Monday was of consolidation and compromise. Bakiyev acknowledged reversing himself on earlier declarations that the recent parliamentary elections were invalid. But accommodating the new lawmakers, who include moneyed Akayev supporters, was deemed preferable to alienating a powerful group at a delicate moment.

"Having the old parliament would be more legitimate," said David Mikosz, head of the Bishkek office of IFES, a Washington-based election assistance agency. "But we understand the importance of keeping everybody in the tent, especially since some people spent a lot of money getting elected."

Supporters of the bargain said concerns about individual races should be addressed in court on a case-by-case basis. Baisalov's group, which monitored 62 races, reported problems in 19. "We cannot cast this whole parliament as constitutionally illegitimate," he said.

"If we want to take out someone, it should be done through court," said Felix Kulov, a former Bishkek mayor and state security chief who spent much of the day offering assurances to nervous residents. Kulov, who was jailed by Akayev's government and freed by protesters, offered quiet statements of confidence to merchants at the capital's main bazaar in the morning and a meeting of foreign investors in the afternoon.

Others in this city, crowded with traffic and pedestrians, appeared largely oblivious to the wrangling. Many were more preoccupied with the damage to stores in the night of looting that followed the rebellion.

There was also some dismay that Akayev, the only president Kyrgyzstan has had since the country gained independence in 1991 with the fall of the Soviet Union, was no longer around.

"He did a lot of good. I don't know why he disappeared," said Mira Alieva, who was shopping at the city's large marketplace, open after being barricaded.

"Probably he had enough money, he could afford to leave," another woman added.

David Grant, director of Kyrgyzstan's International Business Council, said the greed of Akayev's family had become a major problem for businesses in the country. Kulov got a laugh from his audience at the bazaar when he said Akayev was entitled to all the property he listed on his public disclosure forms.

Akayev's absence bothered some officials, too. He left without formally resigning, and the newly chosen speaker of parliament said it was important that the position be officially open so that a presidential election can proceed on June 26.

"He could have gone to the state broadcasting company and made a statement," Kulov said in an interview. "But he disappears! You come to the office and your boss has disappeared!"


#36

London Financial Times
March 29, 2005

EU Poised To Increase Competition In Military Contracts This Year

By George Parker, Brussels

Defence ministers are set to take the first steps towards opening up Europe's Euros 30bn (Dollars 39bn, Pounds 21bn) annual military equipment market to cross-border competition, it was claimed at the weekend.

Nick Witney, head of the new European Defence Agency, believes ministers will agree to a new code to increase competition in the autumn.

The move would be the first concrete result following pressure at a European level to break open national "closed shops" for equipment orders. These are blamed for high costs, duplication in research and a lack of integration between EU defence forces.

Governments can currently exempt defence orders from normal EU single market rules by citing "national security" reasons. Even those contracts exposed to cross-border competition often seem to be rigged in favour of national companies, with third parties only brought in to drive down the cost of the original quote.

Mr Witney is at the forefront of efforts to turn Europe's ambitious rhetoric in the fields of defence and foreign policy into reality.

With national defence budgets under severe pressure, Mr Witney believes the EU procurement market would benefit from more competition and consolidation.

Speaking to the Financial Times, Mr Witney said he thought defence ministers would agree a voluntary code, paving the way for more competition in November. "We have started a process and I am pretty confident we can get a 'Go' decision," he said.

"Hopefully by November we will have an idea of how the code would work. Almost inevitably, we would start with one sector and have a pilot in that area."

Mr Witney said one pilot area might cover various "land systems" - thought to include lesser high-tech equipment such as armoured personnel carriers.

He said there were up to 10,000 armoured fighting vehicles due to be ordered by the EU's 25 defence forces during the next 10 years, but the industry was highly fragmented and costs were likely to be high.

Mr Witney hopes the pilot project will breed confidence between EU governments in the principle of fair competition between national suppliers.

Although he accepts that equipment such as nuclear technology will never be subject to open competition, he wants "most defence procurements to be advertised properly around Europe".

European defence capabilities have been severely hampered by a failure to exploit economies of scale, with the result that US defence spending achieves a far greater "bang for its buck".

The European Commission is also consulting on whether to legislate to try to prise open national protectionism. A green paper issued last year said one option was to issue a directive setting down clear rules for awarding defence contracts.


Los Angeles Times
March 29, 2005

Syria Reduces Troop Presence To 8,000

Syria has cut back its troops in Lebanon to 8,000, its lowest level in three decades, as 2,000 soldiers returned home in recent days, the Lebanese military said.

The move puts Damascus on track to have all its forces out of Lebanon before Lebanese parliamentary elections in May, fulfilling a key U.S. and U.N. demand.

Until mid-February, when former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri was assassinated and calls grew for Syria to pull out, Damascus had about 14,000 soldiers in Lebanon. At their peak in the 1980s and '90s, they numbered about 40,000.


#38

London Financial Times
March 29, 2005
Pg. 15

Money Drives Rumsfeld's Changes

By Dov Zakheim

The US defence budget continues to grow at a remarkable pace. At Dollars 419bn in the coming fiscal year, it has grown by more than 40 per cent in just five years. Indeed, in the current fiscal year alone, the defence portion of the proposed US emergency supplemental budget brings defence spending to nearly Dollars 500bn. But America's growing deficit, rising healthcare costs and other obligations have generated considerable pressure, leading to significant reductions, even terminations, in some defence programmes. Among the most notable cuts are the proposed cancellation of the C-130 line of military transport aircraft, after decades of production, reduction in the air force's fleet of F-22 aircraft, the world's most advanced fighter, and the retirement of an aircraft carrier, leaving the navy with 11 of these ships, its lowest such force level in many years.

Lost in the debate over both the size of the budget and the wisdom of such reductions is the fact that the proposed budget nevertheless has virtually guaranteed that "defence transformation" is no longer a slogan but a reality. Donald Rumsfeld, the US defence secretary, has managed to apply billions of dollars to programmes that constitute the cornerstone of his transformation strategy. To begin with, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have re-oriented the way defence planners see the future. Both conflicts underscored the importance of a restructured military force whose operational ethos, as much as its technical capabilities, reflect far greater responsiveness, flexibility and interconnectedness (termed "net centricity") than previous models of conventional warfare. In particular, the employment of special operations forces as essential elements of combat operations, supported by other branches of the armed services, marks a significant departure from the past, when these forces were seen as sideshows to combat on the battlefield.

US operations in conventional conflicts would also be transformed by the approaches advocated by Mr Rumsfeld. Most notably, the army's conversion to a force whose main combat element is the 4,500-strong brigade, rather than a division three to four times as large, will fundamentally alter the way the army fights conventional wars. Plans by Peter Schoomaker, the army's chief of staff, for 10 additional brigade combat teams mark the most significant change in army force structure in well over a century.

In addition, the allocation of duties between the army's active and reserve forces is also undergoing significant change. A key example is the planned creation of civil affairs units within the active force. Until now these units - which played a key role in Iraq - have been housed within the reserve forces. Redistributing them between the army's active and reserve components will relieve some of the stress the Iraq conflict has placed on the reserves while giving greater flexibility to the active forces. The army's transformation is hardly unique. The navy continues to fund its conversion of Trident ballistic missile submarines to cruise missile carriers, a concept seen as novel only a few years ago but that now attracts little attention. Among other changes, the navy is planning to base more ships in the Pacific island of Guam. "Homeporting" in Guam and similar changes in long-distance permanent naval deployments (termed "forward deployments") enable the navy not only to respond more quickly to crises in the Pacific and Indian ocean theatres but enables downsizing of the increasingly costly fleet. All these are fundamental changes that have long been debated in navy circles but never implemented. Other transformational programmes continue apace. In particular, the air force is spending billions managing a programme for both armed and reconnaissance unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) that saw action in both Afghanistan and Iraq. Under the missile defence programme, no longer confined to being purely a research programme for land-based systems, the development of sea-based and space-based capabilities will continue. Finally, development of the transformational satellite, a satellite whose laser communications capability will radically change the nature of military communications, gains nearly Dollars 1bn in the new budget.

The new defence budget request also seeks funds for various other activities aimed at furthering US military transformation, including training, personnel policy and business management.

Clearly, without significant reform, especially in the management sector, the future of such important programmes cannot be assured. Nevertheless, earmarking huge sums for programmes to produce new equipment, new modes of organisation, new approaches to military operations and new management structures will alter the defence department's culture.

Ultimately, "money talks" and more money than ever is being spent on transformation. In a world in which security threats have also undergone a transformation, nothing could be more important for maintaining its momentum beyond Mr Rumsfeld's tenure.

The writer, vice-president at Booz Allen Hamilton, was US undersecretary of defence (comptroller) and chief financial officer 2001-04.


#39

Boston Globe
March 29, 2005

Build Missile Defense Before It's Too Late

By Jeff Kueter

If there was any doubt remaining about why the United States needs a missile defense system, it was dispelled recently by the actions of North Korea. Having shunned negotiations, North Korea's nuclear brinkmanship leaves little doubt about its access to nuclear weaponry. Seven years ago the North Koreans demonstrated long-range missile capability and are now suspected of having the means to strike Hawaii, Alaska, and the western United States. It recently ended its moratorium on long-range missile testing. Yet in the face of this crisis, the Defense Department's proposed budget slashes $1 billion this year and billions more over the next five years from the only program that can protect Americans from such grave and hostile threats.

And North Korea is not the only threat. Ballistic missile technology is widely available and will only spread over time. Many nations can launch short- and medium-range missiles, and numerous others have access to advanced long-range missile technology.

Unfortunately, the wavering commitment of past presidents and Congresses has left the United States virtually defenseless against ballistic missile attacks today. Until now, our nation was protected by a single ineffectual layer -- rhetoric. President Bush's December 2001 decision to withdraw from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and proceed with the deployment of an ambitious multilayered missile defense overcame this seemingly insurmountable hurdle. Much progress has been made, and a limited defense against North Korea is under construction in Alaska and California.

The challenge is whether the United States will live up to the rhetoric and continue providing the resources and resolve needed to defend the nation against a catastrophic threat in the face of pressing financial burdens.

A robust defense deters rogue nations and terrorist groups. By lowering the probability of a successful missile strike, the enemy is denied the certainty of its effectiveness and is virtually guaranteed retaliation for such an attack. Additionally, one should be mindful not only of the cost of the system but the protection it is designed to provide -- the only real protection against a limited nuclear-, biological-, or chemical-armed ballistic missile attack.

Building a robust, multilayered defense is not an easy task. The technologies are sophisticated, the engineering is challenging, and the global integration of sensors, assets, and communications to precisely hit a ''bullet with a bullet" is daunting. Important steps have been taken, but much more is needed.

The eight interceptors recently deployed in Alaska and California provide a limited defense against the North Korean threat. If it were expanded, it would offer protection against missiles launched from the Middle East. Not surprisingly, moving the system from the drawing board to the field is challenging. Deploying advanced systems is not without complication, but the fundamental ability to intercept and destroy an attacking missile has been demonstrated.

Continued work is necessary, but the proliferation of ballistic missile technology calls for an even more comprehensive approach. Facing a period of fiscal austerity and a billion-dollar budget cut, the missile defense program must reexamine its options and place a premium on those approaches capable of producing highly adaptable defenses that can engage threats from multiple locations around the globe and defend against short-, medium-, and long-range missiles.

In the short term, continued emphasis on the most mature options is appropriate, for they confront today's long-range missile threats. The Navy's SM-3 interceptor recently continued its string of impressive performances and offers a viable defense against short- to intermediate-range ballistic missiles. The Patriot PAC-3 and the Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense systems offer promising approaches for dealing with the widespread threat from short- and medium-range ballistic missiles, particularly for US forces abroad.

This reexamination also must exploit the missile's most vulnerable point, the initial stage of flight known as boost phase -- a capability that the United States lacks. Of the efforts focused on boost-phase defense, neither provides global coverage without an extensive network of ground bases. Most distressing, a promising option is not even being studied. Contrary to the gross overestimates of cost and underestimates of capability, space-based interceptors offer a cost-effective and potent defense in the boost and ascent phase. Recent analyses of technical and cost factors suggest the ability to place localized constellations of space-based interceptors over ''trouble spots" is quite possible. It is the most effective way to destroy ballistic missiles.

We cannot firmly predict the threats we will face tomorrow. A missile defense is a hedge against that state of uncertainty. North Korea's recent actions serve as a reminder that the threat of a missile attack is not some flight of fancy but a serious hazard to the United States, which should prompt it to redouble efforts to protect the American people.

Jeff Kueter is president of the George C. Marshall Institute, a think tank based in Washington.

Washington Times
March 29, 2005
Pg. 15

The Other Iraq War

By Arnold Beichman

There is another war going on today in Iraq about which little is heard. It is a war against Christianity. Christians in Iraq are a comparatively small, windling minority: fewer than 800,000, merely 3 percent out of a population of 26 million.

Though Iraqi Christians are a minuscule minority, they suffering unrelenting Muslim persecution. The Iraqi Christian population, once was more than 15 percent, decreases daily due to emigration to safety in Western countries. Muslim persecution in Iraq of Christians was highlighted in January when Archbishop Basil Georges Casmoussa in Mosul was kidnapped. Cooler Muslim heads must have prevailed because he was released the next day.

Iraqi Christians have historically played an important role in the country. Tariq Aziz, 69, now in coalition custody, and once a familiar face on Western TV, is a Chaldean Catholic. During Saddam's dictatorship, he was Iraqi foreign minister and later deputy prime minister and at one time was even targeted in an assassination attempt by Iranian Islamic terrorists.

It is a paradox that during the Saddam Hussein dictatorship, Iraqi Christians "enjoyed considerable religious freedom," according to Nimrod Raphaeli, senior analyst with the Middle East Media Research Institute. Successors to the dictator Abdul Karim Qassem, assassinated in 1963, employed Christian women, who all spoke excellent English, as I then noted. They were practicing Chaldean Catholics under guidance of a Belgian priest who conducted his office without let or hindrance.

All that has changed. Last August, five churches in Baghdad and four in Mosul were hit in a single day's attacks that killed 12 people. In October, five churches in Baghdad were hit on the first day of the Muslim month of Ramadan. In November, eight people were killed in two church bombings. It is considered justifiable homicide to kill a Muslim convert to Christianity.

Iraqi Christians are now specifically targeted by the Islamists because they allegedly collaborate with what is called the "invading crusading army" or simply because they are labeled infidels and therefore fair game. Iraqi Christians report destruction of Christian businesses, harassment of Christian university students and especially Christian women, who are forced to wear the veil.

The Christian "collaboration" allegation is true in that because most Christian schools give English a high priority in the language curriculum, the multinational forces naturally have hired Christians for office work, especially translation.

Because of discrimination against Iraqi Christians in the public sector and the military, Christian businessmen have entered the service and retail sectors of the economy, which included liquor stores. Islam bans alcohol so the liquor retail business was taken over by Christians to sell to their co-religionists. They have prospered because, says Mr. Raphaeli's report, many Muslims ignore the Koran ban on alcohol. In fact large sums garnered by the Saddam regime under the "oil for food program" were used by Saddam to import fine wines and liquors for himself and his cronies.

With the fall of Saddam, Islamists ordered the Christian liquor store owners to close shops. Islamists gutted the liquor stores when their owners failed to shut down. Some recalcitrant owners were shot and killed. Christians have complained that, after being driven out of the liquor business, Muslims moved in to their stores and continued selling liquor publicly.

Christian Iraqi university students are hassled by Muslims. At the University of Mosul, Iraq's second-largest, 1,500 Christian students, in fear for their lives, have stopped attending classes.

Fearing attack, Christians celebrated last Christmas in their homes, not in churches. In fact, priests avoided the traditional midnight Mass and told their parishioners to stay away from churches at Christmas time out of concern for their safety. Said Patriarch Emanuel III, the Patriarch of Babylon:

"As leaders of the Christian communities in Iraq, we are pained by what has happened to our country. There is destruction of our people, resources, buildings and churches. We grieve over the tragic death of many of our children and the injuries and psychological shocks suffered by others."

This is the unreported war in Iraq, a war which will go on until not a single Christian, nor a single Christian church, remains in Iraq. And it is a war supported by Muslim clerics, whether Sunni, Shi'ite, or whatever sect.

Arnold Beichman, a Hoover Institution research fellow, is a columnist for The Washington Times.


New York Times
March 29, 2005

Wolfowitz And Indonesia: What The Record Shows

To the Editor:

Re "Similar Résumé, Different Decade" (Business Day, March 22):

I disagree with the suggestion that Paul D. Wolfowitz championed human rights in illegally occupied East Timor as the Reagan administration's ambassador to Indonesia.

He consistently argued against East Timorese self-determination, a position he maintained through 1999. While he sometimes criticized the Indonesian military's more high-profile atrocities, his opposition to any talk favoring an Indonesian withdrawal - as demanded by the United Nations - lent credibility to Indonesia's presence in East Timor, facilitating the very atrocities he occasionally decried.

During Mr. Wolfowitz's stint as Ronald Reagan's assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs and as ambassador, hundreds of millions of dollars of American weaponry flowed to the Indonesian military, the very force responsible for the crimes against humanity.

Mr. Wolfowitz was and continues to be a strong champion of strong ties with Indonesia's military establishment - despite its very deadly results in East Timor and within Indonesia proper.

Joseph Nevins, Poughkeepsie, N.Y., March 23, 2005

The writer, an assistant professor of geography at Vassar College, is the author of a book about East Timor.

Editor's Note: The article referred to appeared in the Military News Early Bird, March 22, 2005.



#42

Washington Times
March 29, 2005
Pg. 16

Law Of The Sea Treaty Debated

David B. Rivkin Jr. and Lee A. Casey are correct that most reasons prompting President Reagan to reject the Law of the Sea Treaty (LOST) remain present ("Ratifying sea treaty a mistake," Op-Ed, Friday).

Further, it is indeed inescapable that LOST is an offering in the "look how internationalist we are" reparations campaign that has followed President Bush's withdrawal from the International Criminal Court and refusal, like President Clinton, to submit the Kyoto Protocol for Senate ratification (though a vote rejecting that signed treaty is sorely needed).

One additional point is crucial to any assessment of LOST's threat to U.S. sovereignty. That is the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, which, in already hearing cases, helpfully provides a glimpse of the United States' future should we ratify this abhorrence.

This international court has already asserted, in the Mox case involving a U.K. nuclear plant, that it will determine its own competence, or scope and jurisdiction, even in the face of other extant treaties designed to address the issue at hand.

For example, LOST purports, through its Part XII, "Protection and Preservation of the Marine Environment," to govern claims of rising sea levels and melting ice caps. Although, of course, this is not an appropriate forum to assess the scientific validity of such predictions, the LOST tribunal inarguably provides the two elements lacking in the greens' Kyoto dream: an enforcement mechanism and jurisdiction over the United States.

One thing is clear, given that, by LOST's own terms, it is not necessary that the United States ratify Kyoto to be subject under this unaccountable court to Kyoto's object and purpose: Whatever reasons drove President Bush to do the right thing on the ICC and Kyoto also mandate that he replicate those feats and maintain Mr. Reagan's rejection of the Law of the Sea Treaty.

Christopher C. Horner, Senior fellow, Competitive Enterprise Institute, Washington

*****

Recent articles ("Skeptical Senate eyes sea treaty," World, March 7, "Law of the Sea Treaty" Op-Ed, March 16 and "Ratifying sea treaty a mistake," Op-Ed, March 25) betray a dismayingly myopic discussion of an issue of critical significance -- the long-delayed U.S. accession to the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) -- and the potential for enhancing the good order of the "oceanic commons" they deride. By dredging up failed arguments about potential implications of "flawed" treaty elements that might be the bane of U.S. self-interests, coupled with a distrust of any international solution, they ignore the deep and broad support for the treaty in the White House and the Congress, in both major parties, as well as the more general benefits of the convention:

*The Clinton administration submitted the convention to the Senate for its advice and consent, stating, "Early adherence by the United States to the Convention and the Agreement is important to maintain a stable legal regime for all uses of the sea."

*The George W. Bush White House has strongly supported UNCLOS; its ambassador to the United Nations declared in November 2001, "the administration of President George W. Bush supports accession of the United States to the Convention."

*The White House spearheaded a negotiating initiative that addressed concerns with the convention (including those from the first Reagan administration about the International Seabed Authority) and resulted in the 1994 implementing agreement.

*In October 2003, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee voted 19-0 to send the convention to the full Senate.

*In 2004, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Richard Myers, called UNCLOS a "top national-security priority."

*In September 2004, the U.S. Commission on Oceans Policy recommended, "The United States of America immediately accede to the United Nations Law of the Sea Convention. Time is of the essence if the United States is to maintain its leadership role in ocean and coastal activities."

*In December 2004 President Bush responded: "As a matter of national security, economic self-interest, and international leadership, the Bush administration is strongly committed to U.S. accession to the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea."

The evolving U.S. strategic paradigm, dependent as it is on littoral operations from the sea against the shore, has made accession to the convention even more compelling. U.S. military strategy, doctrine and operations are crucially dependent on the navigation rights, flexibility and mobility conferred by the convention.

To be sure, disputes might still arise, but the legal standing of the United States, particularly in protecting important navigation rights through straits and other international waterways, is much more enhanced with than without UNCLOS.

UNCLOS is more than just another treaty. With 148 parties, it is the largest single international negotiating project ever. It has founded a new era on, under and above the world's oceans that clarifies, not muddies, important rights, responsibilities, and privileges.

In some aspects, customary law has indeed been incorporated and as such is now explicitly positive, conventional law, with more global force than previously the case. And, it signals a commitment to the rule of law and a basis for the orderly conduct of affairs among nations: a commitment that the United States must sustain if it is to succeed in other critical endeavors, such as the global war on terrorism.

In short, by refusing to accede to UNCLOS, the United States remains the "odd man out" and risks losing vital credibility among friends and partners worldwide -- a challenge that Karen Hughes, in her new role at the State Department, will add to an already burgeoning portfolio.

George Galdorisi, Director of the Decision Support Group, Space and Naval Warfare Systems Center, San Diego

Scott C. Truver, Group Vice President, National Security Programs, Anteon Corp., Severna Park, Md.

Editor's Note: The article andtwo op-eds referred to all appeared in the Military News Early Bird.


Los Angeles Times
March 29, 2005

Concern Over Mental Care For Iraq War Vets

The Times account of decreased funding for veterans' mental healthcare (March 20) leaves the impression that the state of this care is a matter of "debate." But the Government Accountability Office and the Veterans Administration's own special committee on post-traumatic stress disorder in October 2004 warned that the "VA does not have sufficient capacity to do this."

Approximately 15% of Iraq veterans will experience this disorder and another 15% will experience major depression, both conditions associated with severe morbidity, prolonged disability and significant mortality (suicide).

Despite the existence of highly effective treatment for these disorders, most veterans will not receive effective treatments because of fear, stigma and lack of treatment facilities and providers. The VA has repeatedly cut funding for mental health and post-traumatic stress disorder. There has been no significant spending to accommodate the 300,000-plus soldiers who will suffer from severe mental health disorders upon their return from Iraq. As a psychiatrist specializing in this combat-related disorder, I have witnessed the profound suffering of hundreds of veterans over the last 15 years.

The brave young people who risked their lives to defend our country deserve more.

Bruce L. Kagan, MD, Staff Psychiatrist, Greater L.A. VA Healthcare System

Editor's Note: The article referred to appeared in the Military News Early Bird, March 20, 2005.


New York Times
March 29, 2005

Fuel For South Asia's Arms Race

The United States has far better ways to reward Pakistan for its helpful but selective pressure on Al Qaeda and the Taliban than President Bush's decision last week to break with 15 years of policy and sell Pakistan high-performance fighters whose only plausible use is to threaten India. Balancing those sales by offering New Delhi the chance to purchase, and perhaps build, similar planes doesn't lessen the damage of the Pakistan sale. It compounds it. The worst thing for these two nuclear powers, which have fought three wars against each other since 1947, is to encourage them to engage in a new, American-fueled arms race.

The United States does have a compelling strategic interest in helping Pakistan. But the right kind of help does not consist of selling Pakistan's armed forces, led by the country's military dictator, President Pervez Musharraf, prestigious, expensive and dangerous weapons systems. Decades of swollen military budgets have virtually bankrupted Pakistan, leaving its government unable to afford adequate spending on education and job-creating economic modernization. Instead, its leaders have fed the Pakistani people a diet of belligerent nationalism and projects like nuclear weapons that are designed to enhance a sense of prestige.

In this environment, civilian democracy has never struck deep roots, military takeovers have been common, and recruitment for a variety of groups preaching armed Islamist jihad has thrived. General Musharraf likes to advertise his occasional attacks on the most terrifying symptoms of this syndrome. He is far less willing to strike at its sources by pushing Pakistan toward development and democracy and far too eager to drain its resources on supersonic attack jets.

In reviewing the new Pakistan arms sale policy, which overturns a 15-year-old ban imposed over concerns about Pakistani nuclear weapons activity, Congress should think hard about the messages the United States wants to send to future proliferators. Pakistan developed nuclear weapons of its own after refusing to sign international nonproliferation treaties. Worse, it has spread nuclear weapons technology to Iran, North Korea, Libya and who knows what other countries, through the rogue network that was run by its top government nuclear scientist, A. Q. Khan. When Dr. Khan's activities became public a little over a year ago, he was pardoned by Pakistan's government, which conveniently avoided embarrassing revelations about any help he might have received from allies in the Pakistani military.

Advocates of these military sales will argue, as they always do, that if the United States did not sell Pakistan and India advanced fighter jets, other countries would. That is probably true, but it is not a justification for fueling an arms race. One big reason both governments want to buy American planes is to advertise to their own people and the world that their costly military spending enjoys the full backing of Washington. That alone is reason enough to regret Mr. Bush's decision.


#45

Wall Street Journal
March 29, 2005
Pg. 14

Warplanes For South Asia

The Bush Administration's decision to sell F-16s to Pakistan is being criticized in some circles, though notably in the U.S., rather than in India as you might expect. New Delhi has raised some objections but its more substantive response has been that it may consider purchasing a more sophisticated U.S. jet fighter, the F-18, and is ready for an expanded strategic relationship.

Chief among the U.S. alarmists has been Larry Pressler, who is calling the F-16 decision nothing less than an "atrocity." The former GOP Senator from South Dakota says the "military-industrial complex, which I believe dominates our foreign policy, favors Pakistan not only because we can sell it arms, but also because the Pentagon would often rather deal with dictatorships than democracies." They must be smiling about that one at the Bush Pentagon, which is usually assailed these days for trying to topple dictatorships.

The F-16 is renowned for its ability to deliver air strikes with pinpoint accuracy, and is thus a valuable asset in Islamabad's war on terrorists hiding in the rugged terrain near Afghanistan. The U.S. has used it to great effect there and in Iraq. The argument that Pakistan wants the F-16 to deliver nuclear weapons to India, a fellow nuclear power, ignores the fact it can already do that in other ways -- if it wishes to commit suicide.

In fact, relations between the two states haven't been this good for years and don't look to be derailed by the plane sales. Pakistan's President Pervez Musharraf is due in New Delhi in a month to watch the grand finale of the India-Pakistan cricket series. Indo-U.S. relations have also reached a new maturity. President Bush -- who is due to visit India this year or next -- personally informed Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of the decision to sell the planes to Islamabad.

Mr. Singh expressed "great disappointment," an obligatory response given Indian domestic politics. But more significant is what his Defense Minister, Pranab Mukherjee, told the Press Trust of India not 24 hours later: "If the military aircraft and other weapons needed for our national interest are available from the United States, we will certainly consider them." A Foreign Ministry statement said the U.S. would let India buy F-16s and F-18s, which may even be co-produced in India, to Indian specifications. Indian Doordarshan TV reported Saturday that, "Pakistan did get its F-16s from the U.S., but India has got more."

The real story here is that the U.S. is steadily building a broad strategic relationship with New Delhi. Said Mr. Mukherjee, "cooperation in economic and other areas between the United States and India has increased manifold, but so far there has been no defense agreement between the two states." One obvious strategic calculation for both countries is countering the military rise of China.

At a State Department briefing last Friday, a spokesman explained that the U.S. "goal is to help India become a major world power in the 21st century. We understand fully the implications, including military implications, of that statement." Beyond the issue of the jets, the briefer explained, "the U.S. is willing to discuss even more fundamental issues of defense transformation with India, including transformative systems in areas such as command and control, early warning and missile defense." This is a remarkable and underappreciated change in U.S. global strategy, and rest assured it is being noticed in the rest of Asia, and especially in Beijing.

As for Pakistan, the F-16 sale may also pay political dividends. It will be more difficult for Mr. Musharraf's domestic enemies to portray the U.S. as a false friend and tar him as a U.S. lackey. A more confident Pakistani President will feel better about the 2007 elections he has promised, and toward which the U.S. has been gently coaxing him.

No doubt the U.S. also hopes the gesture will lead Islamabad to allow U.S. agents to question Pakistani nuclear scientist A.Q. Khan, who is under house arrest since revealing last year that he ran a nuclear proliferation ring. Mr. Musharraf last week hinted that Islamabad may hand over nuclear-centrifuge parts to the International Atomic Energy Agency. Both would be helpful in investigating the nuclear weapons programs of Iran and North Korea. All in all, the news here is how well the triangular relationship among the U.S. and these two key South Asian allies is going.


San Francisco Chronicle
March 28, 2005
Pg. B4

It's Time To Close More Bases

Alameda, Vallejo, Hunters Point, Treasure Island and the Presidio: The list of shuttered military bases is long in the Bay Area. Now the Pentagon is readying another string of closure targets as military needs change.

The standard reaction, well under way, is the wrong one. Politicos -- from the governor on down -- have hired lobbyists and issued appeals to spare California from more base closures. No elected official wants to be accused of inaction while bases, jobs and prestige vanish.

But the closings are needed and inevitable. Far better for communities to plan for the bases' reuse than to fight reality. In the Bay Area, where the military is nearly extinct, the results are a casebook study.

Badly needed housing is sprouting from former military bases in Alameda and Vallejo. On Treasure Island and at Hunters Point in San Francisco, plans are taking shape for a mix of uses: townhouses, hotels, offices and film studios. So promising is Treasure Island, in fact, the Navy is thinking of asking for a cut of future development. The Presidio is a national park with housing, a glossy digital-arts complex and hiking trails.

None of it was easy. Toxic soil and asbestos-laden buildings needed expensive cleanup work. Foot-dragging by the military over the bills didn't help. Surrounding towns needed time to get on board with plans. The transitions have often proved longer and more difficult than they should have been.

Nationally, it's a similar story. Good things can come from base closings. Washington has saved more than $40 billion in the four rounds of closings since the late 1980s.

Locally, the initial pain from lost civilian jobs gave way to new employment on the reused bases. Jobless rates and income levels are equal to prior levels in communities near closed bases, according to a GAO report in 2003. Also, instead of a single, government-provided industry, a reused base can offer a span of uses and jobs that don't depend on taxpayer support.

Just as the military is undergoing a fundamental change, so should public views on saving obsolete bases. On the Pentagon's current study list are some 450 installations. From 10 percent to 25 percent could be padlocked. Instead of a sprawling web of bases, military thinkers want "jointness," military jargon for getting competing service arms to work and train together. In addition, the Pentagon is heeding objections to noisy jets or booming artillery disturbing civilian neighbors.

Compiling the hit list, due in May, will be done by an independent commission working from Pentagon suggestions. To minimize political interference, Congress can only vote up or down on the final list in its entirety. The president likewise has only limited power to block the closures.

California lost nearly a third of its bases in prior rounds, a casualty rate that its sales team is emphasizing in pleading its case in Washington. Its special worries: smaller, less-traditional facilities such as two institutes in Monterey that teach language and management skills.

Active bases such as Camp Pendleton, where Marines train, and San Diego naval facilities or the busy Travis Air Force Base in Solano County would appear to be safe. "If you're not in on the action right now, you're in trouble," said Christopher Hellman, an analyst with the Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation.

But counting bases saved or lost is a fear-factor game. It's time to accept that a smaller military brings benefits, not losses. Local communities win back control over vital acreage, tax rolls revive and new opportunities can replace the lost work. There's life after the military.


Boston Globe
March 29, 2005

American Homicide

When the world first saw photos of the sexual abuse and humiliation of Iraqi detainees at Abu Ghraib, apologists for the US soldiers involved minimized the incidents by noting that the prisoners might have been on leashes or menaced by dogs but were not killed. Gradually, however, military investigators and journalists learned that US troops had, in fact, killed as many as 31 detainees in Afghanistan and Iraq in cases that are confirmed or suspected homicides.

This is a stain on the reputation of the US armed services. Any hope that commanders would vigorously prosecute all such cases to deter future deaths dimmed with last week's report from the Army that officers had decided not to bring charges against 17 soldiers implicated in three prisoner deaths in Iraq. Military investigators had recommended that the 17 be prosecuted. In some other cases of detainee deaths, the military has brought charges against US servicemen.

Bush administration officials cannot ignore polls that show hostility toward it throughout much of the Islamic world despite the recent embrace by Afghanistan and Iraq of elections that US military action made possible. Critics of the United States know that democracy can lead to chaos without the rule of law. The failure to prosecute all detainee killings, as well as the extended confinement of detainees in Cuba, Afghanistan, and Iraq without protection of the Geneva Conventions or access to courts, represents a shameful breakdown in law and in the US tradition of humanitarian treatment of combat prisoners.

In one of the detainee deaths investigated by the Army, an Iraqi lieutenant colonel died of ''blunt force injuries and asphyxia" at a US base in Iraq in January of 2004. An Army official said the gagged Iraqi had been lifted to his feet by a baton held across his throat, and that this caused a throat injury that was a factor in his death. Army investigators had recommended that 11 US soldiers be prosecuted in the killing, but commanders decided that the force used was lawful ''in response to repeated aggression and misconduct by the detainee." Evidence at a full court martial might have borne out that conclusion, but it is a mistake for commanders in cases as serious as this to ignore the recommendations of investigators and exonerate the dead Iraqi's captors.

The 31 detainee deaths, the interrogation techniques described by the International Red Cross as tantamount to torture, and the Abu Ghraib abuse have been a disaster for the reputation of the United States. Bush should have long since fired those officials, including Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, who permitted this to occur through vague or contradictory orders on the treatment of detainees.


Miami Herald
March 29, 2005

Injured Veterans Fight On A Second Front

Military veterans who fight and are injured in service to their country shouldn't have to come home and fight to get disability benefits.

Knight-Ridder investigative reports found that soldiers who seek disability payments from the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs face interminable delays, inconsistent rulings from state to state and a Byzantine appeals process.

Neither veterans nor taxpayers are well-served. The VA should move toward a streamlined system that sets clear standards for approving and denying claims nationwide. For example, no one should be penalized for living in Washington, D.C., instead of Washington state.

Disabled vets often wait years for a hearing. Some have died waiting. The men and women who sacrificed their health and well-being on our behalf deserve better.

The VA serves 25 million veterans. They are eligible for a range of benefits, including healthcare, burial and survivor benefits, education and home loans. Disability benefits account for $20 billion of the department's $60 billion budget. The VA pays for severe injuries, such as amputated legs, and more complex ills such as post-traumatic stress disorder. Combat wounds and peacetime injuries also are covered.

When injured vets petition the VA, groups such as the Veterans of Foreign Wars and the American Legion provide volunteer ''service officers'' to help each vet navigate the claims system. Too often, well-intentioned volunteers are ill-trained to be of effective help: Poor guidance results in insufficient paperwork and other missteps that clog the pipeline.

Veterans who are denied payments have a chance to appeal. But the process, tellingly, is called the ''hamster wheel.'' In a seemingly endless loop, denied claims are sent up several layers of authority, then kicked back down for reconsideration. This makes it difficult to get a final decision.

Worse, each state has its own approval process. Washington state has a state-run quality-assurance program that provides training for service officers, monitors their work and holds them accountable for helping vets present well-founded claims. This ensures that marginal claims don't clog the pipeline. In Florida, though, a hodge-podge of state, county and nonprofit workers sometimes work at cross purposes.

The backlog and inconsistencies aren't fair to veterans. Vice Adm. Daniel Cooper, the VA's undersecretary for benefits, agrees. He, too, is disturbed by the reports' findings.

In a recent memo to VA staffers, Vice Adm. Cooper wrote: ''We may take umbrage at these articles, but we must learn from them and continue to improve by correcting the errors, the approach and the perceptions.'' We commend him for his candor and his commitment to change.


Saturday, March 26, 2005

Military News EB March 26, 2005

TOP STORIES

    1. U.S. Is Set To Sell Jets To Pakistan; India Is Critical
    (New York Times)...Thom Shanker and Joel Brinkley
    The United States will sell F-16 jet fighters to Pakistan in a deal that State Department officials said Friday would improve regional security. But the decision was immediately denounced by India as adding a fresh element of instability to relations between the nuclear neighbors.

    2. Illegal Nuclear Deals Alleged
    (Los Angeles Times)...Josh Meyer
    A federal criminal investigation has uncovered evidence that the government of Pakistan made clandestine purchases of U.S. high-technology components for use in its nuclear weapons program in defiance of American law.

    3. Pentagon Will Not Try 17 G.I.'s Implicated In Prisoners' Deaths
    (New York Times)...Douglas Jehl
    Despite recommendations by Army investigators, commanders have decided not to prosecute 17 American soldiers implicated in the deaths of three prisoners in Iraq and Afghanistan in 2003 and 2004, according to a new accounting released Friday by the Army.

    4. Tehran Stockpiles High-Tech Weapons
    (Washington Times)...George Jahn, Associated Press
    Iran is quietly building a stockpile of thousands of high-tech small arms and other military equipment -- from snipers' rifles that take armor-piercing bullets to night-vision goggles -- through legal weapons deals and a U.N. anti-drug program, according to an internal United Nations document, arms dealers and Western diplomats.

    5. Rice Describes Plans To Spread Democracy
    (Washington Post)...Glenn Kessler and Robin Wright
    Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice yesterday set out ambitious goals for the Bush administration's push for greater democracy overseas over the next four years, including pressing for competitive presidential elections this year in Egypt and women's right to vote in Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries.

    6. Convoy Unprepared For Last, Fatal Run
    (Los Angeles Times)...T. Christian Miller
    The truckers came from ordinary American towns like this one. They were hauling jet fuel across one of the most dangerous roads in Iraq on a day when the insurgency was exploding. The trucks had no armor. The men had no weapons. Their military escorts didn't even know the route.

IRAQ

    7. Attacks On Perceived Collaborators Kill 19 Iraqis
    (Los Angeles Times)...Doug Smith
    Attacks apparently targeting Iraqis perceived as cooperating with the United States killed a general and at least 18 other people and wounded at least 24, U.S. and Iraqi officials said Friday. A Marine was killed and two American soldiers reportedly were among the wounded.

    8. 23 Are Killed In A Series Of Attacks Across Iraq
    (New York Times)...Robert F. Worth
    ...Northwest of Baghdad, Iraqi police commandos provided some new details about a raid on Tuesday on a lakeside insurgent training camp in which dozens of insurgents were reported killed. Although Iraqi commandos led the raid, most of the insurgents were killed by the American helicopter gunships they called in, Maj. Sarmut Hussein, a police commando, said in an interview at his headquarters in Samarra.

    9. 17 Iraqis Killed In Insurgent Attacks
    (Washington Post)...Ellen Knickmeyer
    ...The 11 Iraqis killed at Ramadi were members of the 2nd Iraqi Special Police Commandos, among the most highly trained troops in the armed forces rebuilding effort, which the United States has identified as its top priority in Iraq.

    10. Vital Signs Of A Ruined Falluja Grow Stronger
    (New York Times)...Robert F. Worth
    Four months after American bombs and guns pounded much of this city into ruins, some signs of life are returning. A kebab shop and a bakery have reopened on the bullet-scarred main boulevard. About a third of the city's 250,000 residents have trickled back since early January. American marines and Iraqi police officers patrol the streets, and there has been little violence.

    11. Iraq's Insurgents 'Seek Exit Strategy'
    (London Financial Times)...Steve Negus
    Many of Iraq's predominantly Sunni Arab insurgents would lay down their arms and join the political process in exchange for guarantees of their safety and that of their co-religionists, according to a prominent Sunni politician.

    12. Delay And Uncertainty Hamper Day-To-Day Efforts Of Iraqi Ministries
    (New York Times)...Edward Wong
    The delay in forming a new government in Iraq has stalled important projects at ministries and is sowing confusion among current government workers about their duties, senior Iraqi officials say.

    13. Tunnel Found Leading Out Of Iraq Prison
    (Washington Post)...Associated Press
    U.S. military guards discovered a 600-foot tunnel--dug with makeshift tools--leading out of the main prison facility for detainees in Iraq before anyone had the opportunity to escape, officials said yesterday.

    14. 'Babes And Booze' Are Banned For Battle-Weary GIs From Iraq
    (London Daily Telegraph)...Oliver Poole
    The soldiers knew what they considered real rest and recuperation. "Beer and babes," a crew-cropped private, just arrived at the US military's new Middle East rest and recuperation resort, shouted to hoots of approval from his buddies. They would not find much of either here. America may have instigated four-day off-duty trips for its Iraq servicemen but these breaks obey all the modern-day rules of acceptable behaviour for a soldier.

ARMY

    15. Detainees Abused In N. Iraq, Army Papers Suggest
    (Washington Post)...Josh White
    Guards and military intelligence personnel allegedly tortured detainees at a U.S. Army holding facility in northern Iraq in late 2003, according to Army criminal investigative documents released yesterday. The treatment, intended to soften up detainees for interrogations, involved hours-long physical exercise sessions, hoods and beatings at the same time guards at the Abu Ghraib prison near Baghdad were carrying out similar tactics.

    16. Vietnam Heroism Recognized--33 Years Late
    (Miami Herald)...Robert Burns, Associated Press
    From one former Army helicopter pilot to another, Lt. Gen. Richard Cody presented the military's second-highest award for valor on Friday to Stephen E. Lawrence in recognition of his exceptional acts of heroism during a harrowing rescue mission in Vietnam.

    17. Another Isle Commander Pulled
    (Honolulu Star-Bulletin)...Gregg K. Kakesako
    The Army has relieved another battalion commander who used to command soldiers from Hawaii.

    18. Army Officer's Death A Mystery
    (Fayetteville (NC) Observer)...Greg Barnes
    The family of Fort Bragg Capt. Terrance L. Wright continues to search for answers after Wright's body was found in a motel room on March 2.

NAVY

    19. Antiwar Sailor Is Charged By Navy
    (Los Angeles Times)...Tony Perry
    The Navy announced Friday that it planned to court-martial a sailor, now a vocal member of the antiwar movement, who refused deployment to the Persian Gulf because he opposed the U.S. mission in Iraq.

    20. Military Honors Sailors For Saving USS San Francisco
    (Pacific Daily News (Guam))...Pacific Daily News
    Several crew members of the USS San Francisco, which ran aground in January, were awarded yesterday for their actions to save shipmates and the submarine itself.

    21. Vietnam-Era Naval Officer To Be Buried In Arlington
    (Seattle Times)...Alex Fryer
    More than 37 years after Navy Lt. Cmdr. J. Forrest G. Trembley failed to return from a bombing mission over North Vietnam, his remains will come home to Arlington National Cemetery, the Pentagon announced yesterday.

    22. Towns Make Wish List For Ft. Sheridan Plan
    (Chicago Tribune)...Trine Tsouderos
    Getting more cash for the education of military students is a top priority on a wish list released Thursday by Highwood and Highland Park officials concerned about the impact of a Navy plan to replace housing at Ft. Sheridan.

AIR FORCE

    23. Elmendorf Lands New Fighter Jet
    (Anchorage Daily News)...Tataboline Brant
    Elmendorf Air Force Base has been selected to become the home base for dozens of F/A-22 Raptors, a decision that appears to end five years of speculation about whether the new generation of fighter jets would be stationed here.

NATIONAL GUARD/RESERVE

    24. Muddy 9 Facing Military Justice
    (New York Daily News)...Brain Kates
    Six Sergeants and three enlisted military policewomen will be disciplined for a sex and mud-wrestling fiasco last year at a military prison in Iraq, the Army said yesterday.

    25. 2 Service Members File As Objectors
    (Albuquerque Tribune)...Mike Tumolillo
    Two members of the military stationed in New Mexico requesting discharge as conscientious objectors have taken their case to U.S. District Court in Albuquerque.

WOLFOWITZ -- WORLD BANK NOMINATION

    26. Blair Kept Quiet On Wolfowitz Candidacy
    (London Financial Times)...James Harding, Andrew Balls, Edward Alden and James Blitz
    Tony Blair was sounded out on the candidacy of Paul Wolfowitz to lead the World Bank before the White House announced his nomination but did not share the controversial proposal with cabinet colleagues or fellow European leaders.

WHITE HOUSE

    27. Report On U.S. Weapons Intelligence Is Said To Be Critical
    (New York Times)...Scott Shane
    A presidential commission that has spent a year studying American intelligence on weapons of mass destruction in Iraq and other countries will be sharply critical of the performance of several agencies, a government official briefed on the commission's report said Friday night.

    28. Bush Banks On Stirring It Up With Wolfowitz Nomination
    (Los Angeles Times)...Paul Richter
    The president's choice of a controversial aide to head the World Bank shows a willingness to upset allies and a desire to reform institutions.

    29. Flight To Torture: Where Abuse Is Contracted Out
    (London Times)...Tim Reid
    ...In recent weeks several former detainees have come forward and a picture is emerging of a global network, sanctioned by President Bush, of private jets owned by bogus companies, CIA snatch squads armed with drugs and mace spray and nighttime flights to Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Morocco and Afghanistan.

CONGRESS

    30. Bill Would Secure Survivors’ Benefits
    (Columbia (SC) State)...Lauren Markoe
    For soldiers looking to provide for their loved ones after they die, there are two checks.

AFGHANISTAN

    31. Afghan Blast Kills Four U.S. Soldiers
    (New York Times on the Web)...Associated Press
    A U.S. military vehicle struck a mine in central Afghanistan on Saturday, setting off an explosion that killed four American soldiers, the military said.

    32. Bridge To Link Up With Tajikistan
    (Washington Times)...Unattributed
    The United States will finance a $28 million bridge to link Afghanistan with its northern neighbor Tajikistan in a bid to boost trade between the countries, the U.S. military said Thursday.

ASIA/PACIFIC

    33. Pakistani Hints He'll Turn Over Centrifuges In Iran Investigation
    (New York Times)...Somini Sengupta
    President Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan says he will consider turning over centrifuges to the international nuclear watchdog agency to aid in its investigation of Iran's nuclear program.

    34. Islamists Rally Against Pakistani President
    (Los Angeles Times)...Associated Press
    More than 10,000 protesters rallied here Friday to demand that President Pervez Musharraf step down.

    35. Kyrgyzstan Interim Leader Moves To Halt Disorder
    (Washington Times)...Bagila Bukharbayeva, Associated Press
    Kyrgyzstan's interim leader chose key officials for a new government yesterday and moved quickly to try to quell widespread disorder and looting following the ouster of longtime President Askar Akayev.

    36. Seoul Denies Report On NK-Libya Nuclear Deal
    (Korea Times)...Ryu Jin
    South Korea denied a news report yesterday that it was informed by the United States earlier this year of the intelligence that North Korea had been paid by Libya after exporting nuclear material via Pakistan.

    37. Tensions Rise Over Anti-Secession Law
    (London Times)...Clifford Coonan
    A MILLION Taiwanese citizens, including President Chen Shui-bian, are expected to protest on the streets of Taipei today at Beijing’s anti-secession law, which they fear gives China carte blanche to invade.

MIDEAST

    38. Once-Warm Relations A Casualty Of War
    (Chicago Tribune)...Catherine Collins
    ...While the U.S. says Turkey failed its responsibilities as an ally, the Turks have criticized Washington for condemning the decision of a democratically elected parliament and failing to go after Kurdish separatists in northern Iraq. The governmental feuding has spilled into the public arena, with a Wall Street Journal article critical of Turkey sparking angry rebukes, and claims by the Turkish news media drawing denunciations from the U.S. Embassy in Ankara.

    39. Bush Administration Probes Syria's Future With Assad's Opposition
    (Washington Post)...Robin Wright and Glenn Kessler
    The Bush administration is reaching out to the Syrian opposition because of growing concerns that unrest in Lebanon could spill over and suddenly destabilize Syria, which borders four countries pivotal to U.S. Middle East policy -- Israel, Iraq, Lebanon and Turkey, U.S. and Syrian sources said.

NORTH KOREA

    40. Nuclear Standoff May Enter New Phase Soon
    (Korea Herald)...Lee Joo-hee
    ...In an interview with The Nation, North Korean Ambassador to Thailand O Song-chol said Pyongyang was ready to go to war with the United States over the Stalinist state's contentious nuclear program. Chol added that North Korea was also prepared to enter into peace talks to resolve the dispute. Chol urged the United States not to refer the case to the Security Council, saying the move would be tantamount to a declaration of war, the Nation reported.

RUSSIA

    41. Russia Fumbles, And Former Sphere Of Influence Deflates
    (Los Angeles Times)...Kim Murphy
    The revolt in Kyrgyzstan that toppled Russia's strongest ally in Central Asia was the result of the latest in what analysts say is an astonishing and painful series of diplomatic missteps by Moscow.

AMERICAS

    42. Colombia's FARC Spreads In Central America
    (Washington Times)...Jerry Seper
    Marxist guerrillas in Colombia have established cells in Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama in what U.S. intelligence and law-enforcement authorities say is an effort by the rebel organization to expand its arms- and drug-trafficking operations.

VETERANS

    43. Health Costs For Vets To Soar
    (Denver Post)...Marsha Austin
    The cost of providing medical care to the nation's veterans will nearly double in the next 20 years, outpacing projected federal funding by at least $18.2 billion, according to a report by the Congressional Budget Office.

    44. Veterans Upset Over Flag Removal At Cemetery
    (San Diego Union-Tribune)...Associated Press
    Veterans who volunteer at Riverside National Cemetery have written to President Bush and other politicians decrying a policy that requires maintenance workers to pull up and burn flags planted by graves.

    45. Veterans Dependent On GI Bill Struggling To Cope
    (Columbia (SC) State)...Alison Young
    ...Nationwide, more than 35,000 students have waited more than 60 days for the VA to approve their education claims in recent months, prompting colleges to defer tuition payments and offer emergency loans to students waiting on checks. Nearly 100,000 other veterans have experienced delays of one to two months, according to a Knight Ridder analysis of VA claims data for Oct. 1-Feb. 28.

MEDIA

    46. CNN Special Looks At Soldier's Memory Under Stress
    (Fayetteville (NC) Observer)...Henry Cuningham
    For hours, soldiers are berated face-to-face in mock interrogations during a training exercise at Fort Bragg. The next day, only 34 percent can identify the questioner. Some people are even confused about the race or sex of the person who was in their face for hours the day before.

OPINION

    47. Toxic Indifference To North Korea
    (Washington Post)...Abraham Cooper
    ...The Western media haven't exactly ignored this story. Instead, they have generally treated it in an offhand manner chillingly reminiscent of how the Holocaust was reported during World War II. For example, the Pentagon just recently sought emergency authority to resume administering the anthrax vaccine to U.S. troops stationed on the Korean Peninsula as well as in the Persian Gulf because of "a significant potential for a military emergency involving a heightened risk to United States military forces of attack." The limited coverage of the story focused not on the threat posed by North Korean chemical and biological weaponry but on the controversy over the safety of inoculating the troops.

    48. Afghanistan, The Poor Stepsister To Iraq
    (Boston Globe)...H.D.S. Greenway
    Afghanistan is slightly bigger than Iraq, with roughly the same population. Both had horrible, repressive governments. Both have held elections. Both lack basic security against crime and insurgency. Both are basically wards of the United States, and for both the future remains in doubt. But there the similarities end.

    49. Debating Missile Defense -- (Letters)
    (Washington Times)...Rep. Ellen O. Tauscher; Philip Coyle
    I wanted to take this opportunity to address some of the outrageous comments Peter Huessy made in his Tuesday Op-Ed column, "Defending missile defense."

    50. Good Logistics -- (Letter)
    (St. Louis Post-Dispatch)...Lt. Col. John A. Hanson, USA
    Regarding your March 11 editorial, "Shortstopped," I believe you are confusing logistics with the Army's acquisition process.

EDITORIAL

    51. Rice's Taunts To China
    (Boston Globe)...Editorial
    ...In India and Pakistan, Rice soundly encouraged peaceful relations between the two nuclear powers. However, when it came to the nettlesome issues of North Korea's nuclear weapons capability and the future of US relations with China, Rice appeared to join the coterie of hard-line conservatives who have never ceased treating China as an inevitable strategic rival that must be encircled and contained.


#1

New York Times
March 26, 2005
Pg. 1

U.S. Is Set To Sell Jets To Pakistan; India Is Critical

By Thom Shanker and Joel Brinkley

WASHINGTON, March 25 - The United States will sell F-16 jet fighters to Pakistan in a deal that State Department officials said Friday would improve regional security. But the decision was immediately denounced by India as adding a fresh element of instability to relations between the nuclear neighbors.

The size of the arms sale has not been decided, State Department officials said, although Pakistan previously said it was seeking about two dozen of the planes, which can be used in ground or air attack roles and have a maximum range of more than 2,000 miles.

President Bush personally telephoned Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of India early Friday to inform him of the decision to sell F-16's to Pakistan, White House officials said.

In words apparently meant to soften the impact of a major weapons transfer to India's rival, Mr. Bush said the administration had also cleared the way for India to discuss a combat aircraft purchase with American arms manufacturers.

Mr. Bush, speaking from his Texas ranch, told the Indian prime minister that the United States was "responding" to New Delhi's request for information on "multirole combat aircraft," according to White House officials.

The possibility of the F-16 sale to Pakistan had been hinted at by people in the administration and was reported by The Wall Street Journal this month before Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice visited India and Pakistan.

Even so, Mr. Singh told Mr. Bush of his "great disappointment" over the pending arms sale and warned that it would undermine regional security, according to Sanjaya Baru, the prime minister's spokesman, as quoted by The Associated Press from India.

Relations between India and Pakistan remain tenuous and bitter. They have fought three wars, mostly over the Kashmir territory, and now both nations have nuclear arms. Still, they are committed to off-and-on peace talks. And in an important step, the Pakistani president, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, has promised to visit India for a cricket match between teams from the countries early next month.

The F-16 is valued for its ability to take on a variety of missions, including delivering precise airstrikes. In that role, it has been used extensively in Afghanistan and Iraq to attack suspected insurgent hiding places, and Pakistan has said it would use the plane to strike at terrorists.

The fighters to be sold to Pakistan may be newer models off the production line, and not the older variant purchased by Pakistan in the 1980's. In 1990, it ordered more, but delivery was blocked when Congress passed legislation to punish the Pakistanis for their ambitions to develop nuclear weapons.

State Department officials said the purchase price would be unknown until a formal agreement is reached on which model of the fighter will be sold, and how it will be equipped. The F-16C/D models purchased by the United States Air Force from the Lockheed Martin Corporation in 1998, for example, cost $18.8 million each, though exported versions of the plane typically cost more.

The arms sale is seen as reward for cooperation in the aftermath of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, when Pakistan opened its territory as a crucial portal into neighboring Afghanistan during the war to topple the Taliban government and oust fighters of Al Qaeda. Even so, some military analysts complain that Pakistan is not doing enough today to hunt down insurgents and terrorists still seeking refuge in the mountainous areas of Pakistan just across the Afghan border.

The Bush administration has also chosen to overlook or play down other irritants, including what some officials say has been a lack of cooperation in investigating the nuclear black-market network run by A. Q. Khan, a Pakistani scientist, and the slowness of General Musharraf to return his country to democracy.

State Department officials explained that the arms sale fit into the broader strategic relationship across South Asia. "We are looking to improve security and improve prosperity and improve development of the entire region as a whole through an integrated program of engagement," Adam Ereli, the State Department deputy spokesman, said at a news briefing Friday afternoon.

"And that engagement includes security, it includes energy, it includes economy, it includes diplomacy, politics," he said. "And part of that is a decision to begin negotiations with the Pakistani government and Congress to sell F-16's to Pakistan and to respond favorably to a request for information from India for the possible sale of multirole combat aircraft."

Mr. Ereli said that "relations between India and Pakistan have never been better," and that "to the extent that we can contribute to Pakistan's sense of security and India's sense of security, that will contribute to regional stability."

Pakistan has the older F-16's already in its arsenal, and has been lobbying to buy more for years. As one reward for its assistance after Sept. 11, the United States began selling Pakistan spare parts for those older planes.

India, on the other hand, has been buying its fighters elsewhere, but American companies are lobbying to get into the Indian arms market.

Like most newer-generation strike jets, the F-16 can carry nuclear weapons. But State Department officials denied that sales of advanced aircraft to the two countries would increase the ability of either to deliver nuclear weapons across their shared border, citing the fact that both countries have tested medium-range missiles capable of carrying warheads.

But Larry Pressler, a former Republican senator from South Dakota who gave his name to the amendment that halted the F-16 transfers to Pakistan in the 1990's, said Friday that the decision to go ahead with the jet-fighter deal "is a mistake."

"I know that we want to be friends with Pakistan because of the terrorism thing, but you don't fight terrorism with F-16's," he said in a telephone interview. "F-16's are capable of nuclear delivery. That's about the only reason Pakistan wants them. The only people they are in a fight with are in India. India now will have to get the same thing somehow. So it raises tensions and stakes without meeting any of our objectives."

The United States wants several things from Pakistan, and the sale of F-16's could more tightly bind the two nations. In particular, Washington wants more help in unraveling the Khan nuclear network, particularly its assistance to Iran and North Korea. But a State Department official said there was no quid pro quo with the arms deal.

A senior administration official also said the United States wanted more signs of democratization, including a decision by General Musharraf to surrender his military position as a sign of relinquishing some of his consolidated power.

In part to mollify India, Secretary Rice made a point of lauding India's leaders for its help with Southeast Asian tsunami relief, and she insisted during her visit to the region last week that the United States would join India in a larger strategic partnership. She also expressed hope to leaders of both countries that they would work with each other to peacefully resolve their dispute over Kashmir.

Senior officials said Friday that the United States was trying to balance the arms sale to Pakistan by animating "the strategic dialogue" with India that would emphasize that nation's role as "a world power."

"We are comfortable that we have a kind of concerted approach in which neither side feels that we are acting or taking steps to undermine the relations that we have and compromise their interests," a senior State Department official said.


#2

Los Angeles Times
March 26, 2005
Pg. 1

Illegal Nuclear Deals Alleged

Investigators say Pakistan has secretly bought high-tech components for its weapons program from U.S. companies.

By Josh Meyer, Times Staff Writer

WASHINGTON — A federal criminal investigation has uncovered evidence that the government of Pakistan made clandestine purchases of U.S. high-technology components for use in its nuclear weapons program in defiance of American law.

Federal authorities also say the highly specialized equipment at one point passed through the hands of Humayun Khan, an Islamabad businessman who they say has ties to Islamic militants.

Even though President Bush has been pushing for an international crackdown on such trafficking, efforts by two U.S. agencies to send investigators to Pakistan to gather more evidence have hit a bottleneck in Washington, said officials knowledgeable about the case.

The impasse is part of a larger tug-of-war between federal agencies that enforce U.S. nonproliferation laws and policymakers who consider Pakistan too important to embarrass. The transactions under review began in early 2003, well after President Pervez Musharraf threw his support to the Bush administration's war on terrorism and the invasion of neighboring Afghanistan to oust Pakistan's former Taliban allies.

"This is the age-old problem with Pakistan and the U.S. Other priorities always trump the United States from coming down hard on Pakistan's nuclear proliferation. And it goes back 15 to 20 years," said David Albright, director of the Washington-based Institute for Science and International Security. Albright, a former United Nations weapons inspector in Iraq, favors getting tougher with Pakistan.

U.S. and European officials involved in nonproliferation issues say they recently discovered evidence that Pakistan has begun a new push to acquire advanced nuclear components on the black market as it tries to upgrade its decades-old weapons program.

Current and former intelligence officials said the same elements of the Pakistani military that they suspected of orchestrating efforts to buy American-made products may also have worked with Abdul Qadeer Khan, the so-called father of the Pakistani nuclear program who supplied weapons know-how and parts to Iran, North Korea and Libya. Abdul Qadeer Khan and Humayun Khan are not related.

The scheme U.S. investigators are trying to unravel involves Humayun Khan and Asher Karni, a South African electronics salesman and former Israeli army major.

Aided by Karni, who pleaded guilty to violating export control laws and began cooperating with U.S. authorities shortly after his arrest 15 months ago, investigators have traced at least one shipment of oscilloscopes from Oregon to South Africa and on to Humayun Khan.

The trail did not end there, however. According to recently unsealed Commerce Department documents, agents followed the shipment to the Al Technique Corp. of Pakistan, which had not been listed on any of the shipping or purchasing documents.

Al Technique describes itself as a manufacturer of precision lasers and other military-related products. But for federal investigators, "it was a big red flag," one U.S. official said.

"It's definitely a front for nuclear weapons, for their WMD project," the official said. The company is on a U.S. list of firms banned from buying equipment such as the special oscilloscopes that can be used to test and manufacture nuclear weapons.

Like others interviewed for this report, the American official spoke on condition of anonymity, citing the political sensitivity of the case, the records of which have been sealed by a federal judge. The judge also has imposed a gag order on all participants.

U.S. officials suspect that the Pakistani government was the customer behind another purchase they say Humayun Khan made from Karni: 200 U.S.-made precision electronic switches that can be used in detonating nuclear weapons.

U.S. law prohibits the sale of equipment that can be used in nuclear weapons programs to Pakistan and some other countries as part of the effort to curb nuclear proliferation. Officials accuse Humayun Khan and Karni of conspiring to break those laws by concealing the nature of the transactions. Humayun Khan has not been charged with any crime, but the Commerce Department on Jan. 31 banned him from doing business in the U.S. for 180 days.

Halting illegal transfers of nuclear weapons components is a cornerstone of the administration's Proliferation Security Initiative, and the departments of Commerce and Homeland Security moved quickly to pursue leads after Karni's arrest.

His cooperation has allowed U.S. officials to significantly expand their investigation. As many as several dozen suspects are under scrutiny in Pakistan, India, South Africa, the United Arab Emirates and elsewhere, officials say.

Humayun Khan's involvement in the deal aroused concern because he has been linked to several militant groups, including the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference, a Pakistani party that allegedly supports fighters in the disputed territory of Kashmir.

Last year, federal prosecutors used Karni's ties to Humayun Khan to argue successfully against the South African being released on bail while awaiting trial.

"This case represents one of the most serious types of export violations imaginable," one prosecutor argued in a court filing.

U.S. agents began gearing up for an investigative trip to Pakistan in early 2004. They had recently completed a mission to South Africa that produced a wealth of evidence. They hoped to question Humayun Khan and others, locate missing components and pursue further leads.

But when the Commerce and Homeland Security departments asked the State Department to clear the investigators' trip, they did not get permission. Law enforcement officials complain that the delay has allowed the trail to grow cold.

Several senior officials said that the United States had made high-level requests to Islamabad for cooperation in the case, but that none was made forcefully or publicly. Two State Department officials dealing with nonproliferation said the Bush administration voiced concerns about Pakistan's ties to the nuclear black market, most recently during private meetings Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice had with Musharraf and other Pakistani leaders last week.

Pakistan has refused to allow access to Abdul Qadeer Khan.

Gary Milhollin, a nuclear nonproliferation expert, said the Bush administration could apply enough pressure on Pakistan to gain access for the investigators reviewing Humayun Khan's activities, tying cooperation to the $3-billion U.S. aid package, for example, and to the sale of F-16 fighter jets that the White House announced Friday.

"But it seems bizarre that we are letting the Pakistanis get away with nuclear smuggling because we think they'll help fight terrorism," said Milhollin, who heads the Washington-based Wisconsin Project on Nuclear Arms Control.

Humayun Khan, in a telephone interview from Islamabad, denied any involvement with the recent shipments, saying that "someone else" ordered the oscilloscopes and the switches, had them shipped to his office, then snatched them somewhere along the way.

"It's very tragic," Humayun Khan said. "You don't know where these things are landing. They come through and they vanish."

He said Washington has allowed dozens of black market companies to flourish in Pakistan and elsewhere by selectively enforcing its nonproliferation laws.

"It's all about politics," Humayun Khan said. "If they don't want us to develop these things, they would do everything they can to stop it…. You [the American government] close one eye and open the other at particular times to these things that have been going on."

He said dozens of front companies throughout South Asia and the Middle East were procuring such components from U.S. firms for questionable purposes.

Humayun Khan said he had e-mailed detailed information to U.S. investigators about at least 10 Pakistani companies that he claimed routinely engaged in illicit schemes to buy goods from U.S. suppliers, including Tektronix Inc., the Oregon firm that allegedly sold him the oscilloscopes.

U.S. officials will say only that Humayun Khan has provided evasive and contradictory answers about the case. Although they have talked to him by telephone, they say it is crucial to confront him in Pakistan, where they can do follow-up investigations.

Humayun Khan said he assumed that, because U.S. investigators never showed up, they must have dropped him as a suspect. Pakistani authorities haven't questioned him, he said, because he and his father have done business with Islamabad's Defense Ministry for 40 years and would not do anything the government didn't approve of.

"Nobody came to me. Why? They didn't bother," Humayun Khan said. "They know us like we were relatives."

Alisha Goff, a spokeswoman for Tektronix said that the company was aware of the investigation, including the purchase of its oscilloscopes, but that it had not been implicated in any wrongdoing.

She said the company had stopped all shipments to Humayun Khan, pending the outcome of the investigation.

"Tektronix is cooperating fully with the government, and as such cannot provide any additional information on this matter," Goff said.

U.S. investigators say they have become increasingly frustrated by the lack of support from the State Department because they see rising indications of Pakistani involvement in the nuclear black market. They cite evidence suggesting that Pakistan has increased its already extensive network of agents operating in the global market for nuclear and missile components.

Foreign officials with the International Atomic Energy Agency say they believe Pakistan has set aside a huge budget for new black market components to upgrade its entire nuclear weapons program.

Some of the equipment is part of a large program to expand Pakistan's nuclear arsenal with plutonium-based weapons, which are smaller and far more destructive than weapons using uranium, diplomats and investigators say.

"Pakistan does need nuclear technology," said one European diplomat with ties to the South Asian country, noting that Islamabad's agents have been caught trying to make illicit purchases of specialized steel and aluminum, as well as nuclear triggers called krytrons.

"We have the names of the companies and we have been talking to them," another diplomat said.

Pakistani officials have repeatedly declined to discuss Karni's case and the investigation, and Al Technique did not return calls seeking comment. One senior Pakistani official said that his country did not intentionally violate U.S. nonproliferation laws, but it would continue to support and improve its nuclear weapons program as a deterrent to India, which he said also used the black market.

The departments of Commerce, Homeland Security and Justice would not permit its officials to discuss the criminal case on the record, and the White House and State Department also had no formal comment.

However, State Department officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the administration believed it had few options for pressuring Musharraf when his cooperation was crucial on several other fronts.

"It's one thing for them to cooperate with us in efforts to stop [nuclear components] from going elsewhere, such as Iran," one said. "But they will never cooperate with us on efforts to stop things that they are trying to get. They've got their own program, which they're trying to keep."

Times staff writer Douglas Frantz in Vienna contributed to this report.


#3

New York Times
March 26, 2005
Pg. 1

Pentagon Will Not Try 17 G.I.'s Implicated In Prisoners' Deaths

By Douglas Jehl

WASHINGTON, March 25 - Despite recommendations by Army investigators, commanders have decided not to prosecute 17 American soldiers implicated in the deaths of three prisoners in Iraq and Afghanistan in 2003 and 2004, according to a new accounting released Friday by the Army.

Investigators had recommended that all 17 soldiers be charged in the cases, according to the accounting by the Army Criminal Investigation Command. The charges included murder, conspiracy and negligent homicide. While none of the 17 will face any prosecution, one received a letter of reprimand and another was discharged after the investigations.

To date, the military has taken steps toward prosecuting some three dozen soldiers in connection with a total of 28 confirmed or suspected homicides of detainees. The total number of such deaths is believed to be between 28 and 31.

In one of the three cases in which no charges are to be filed, the commanders determined the death to be "a result of a series of lawful applications of force." In the second, the commanders decided not to prosecute because of a lack of evidence. In the third, they determined the soldier involved had not been well informed of the rules of engagement.

A spokesman for the Army Criminal Investigation Command, Chris Grey, said in a statement: "We take each and every death very seriously and are committed and sworn to investigating each case with the utmost professionalism and thoroughness. We are equally determined to get to the truth wherever the evidence may lead us and regardless of how long it takes."

Human rights groups and others have criticized the military for not pursuing prosecution more aggressively.

The accounting was the most detailed the military has yet made public of the deaths of prisoners in American custody in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Of the 28 deaths investigated, 13 occurred in American detention centers in those countries and 15 occurred at the point where prisoners were captured. Only one occurred in Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, which has been known until now as the site of the most extensive abuses by American military personnel.

The 28 deaths include two cases involving members of the Navy Seals, which are still being investigated by the Navy, according to military officials. They also include a prisoner in Marine Corps custody whose death resulted in the conviction of two marines on charges including assault and dereliction of duty, according to a Marine spokesman.

Not included in the 28 are three other deaths of prisoners involving marines but under investigation by the Navy.

With the disposition of the three cases involving the 17 soldiers not prosecuted, the Army now has 21 soldiers listed as subjects for prosecution on criminal charges including, among others, murder, negligent homicide and assault.

Of those 21 soldiers, at least 3 have been convicted in general courts-martial, and at least 3 others are awaiting trial, the Army accounting showed.

The Army said one of the three deaths for which soldiers would not be prosecuted was that of a former Iraqi lieutenant colonel determined by investigators to have died of "blunt force injuries and asphyxia" at an American Forward Operating Base in Al Asad, Iraq, in January 2004.

In that case, Army investigators had recommended that 11 soldiers from the Fifth Special Forces Group and the Third Armored Cavalry Regiment face charges. The decision not to prosecute in that case, as well as one other, was made by the Army Special Forces Command at Fort Bragg, N.C., the Army said.

A senior Army legal official acknowledged that the Iraqi colonel had at one point been lifted to his feet by a baton held to his throat, and that that action had caused a throat injury that contributed to his death.

The Army accounting said the Special Forces Command had determined that the use of force had been lawful "in response to repeated aggression and misconduct by the detainee."

The former Iraqi colonel was not identified but has been named in other reports as Jameel.

The senior Army legal official said the prisoner's resistance to his captors' instructions had caused them to gag him and to lift him to his feet with the baton, actions that contributed to the death.

The Army Special Forces case that commanders decided to drop for lack of evidence involved the shooting death of a prisoner in Afghanistan in August 2002, the Army said.

The case not prosecuted because the soldier involved was not well informed of the rules of engagement, involved the Fourth Infantry Division. The detainee, who died in September 2003, was an Iraqi prisoner at an American detention center.

The Army said it has now closed its investigations into 16 of the deaths, and referred five of them to the Navy, the Justice Department or foreign governments for possible prosecution.

Some of the deaths described in the Army accounting have already been widely reported, including two deaths at Bagram in Afghanistan in December 2002; the death at Abu Ghraib in November 2003 of an Iraqi who was being questioned by a Central Intelligence Agency officer; and the death the same month of an Iraqi major general who had been stuffed head-first into a sleeping bag.

An Army spokesman, Lt. Col. Jeremy Martin, said the prisoners who died represented a tiny fraction of what he said had been some 70,000 detainees held by American forces in Iraq and Afghanistan since 2001. Altogether, more than a million American soldiers have taken part in those operations, Colonel Martin said.

A spokesman for the Army Special Operations Forces Command, Maj. Robert E. Gowan, said a "careful review of the facts" surrounding each of the two incidents involving that command indicated that "no U.S. Army Special Forces Command soldiers were found to have participated in any misconduct or detainee abuse."

"U.S. Army Special Forces Command takes all allegations of detainee abuse and homicide very seriously," Major Gowan said in an e-mail statement in response to an inquiry. "As with any case, U.S. Army Special Forces Command will consider all relevant evidence and facts. This command will make appropriate disposition of such cases as warranted by the facts and evidence derived from the investigations."

Washington Times
March 26, 2005
Pg. 1

Tehran Stockpiles High-Tech Weapons

By George Jahn, Associated Press

VIENNA, Austria -- Iran is quietly building a stockpile of thousands of high-tech small arms and other military equipment -- from snipers' rifles that take armor-piercing bullets to night-vision goggles -- through legal weapons deals and a U.N. anti-drug program, according to an internal United Nations document, arms dealers and Western diplomats.

The buying spree is raising fears in the Bush administration that the arms could end up with militants in Iraq.

Tehran also is seeking approval for a U.N.-funded satellite network that Iran says it needs to fight drug smugglers, stoking U.S. worries it could be used to spy on Americans in Iraq or Afghanistan -- or any U.S. reconnaissance in Iran itself.

The United States has a strict embargo on most trade with Iran, which it accuses of supporting terrorist organizations and trying to build nuclear arms.

It also has imposed sanctions on dozens of companies worldwide over the past decade for supplying Tehran with equipment that could be used for nuclear or conventional warfare.

Much of the military hardware has been hard to hide -- sales of tanks and anti-ship missiles by Belarus and China, or helicopters and artillery pieces from Russia have been well documented by U.S. authorities and international nongovernment agencies.

Other weapons are smuggled and may be revealed only by chance -- such as the consignment of 12 nuclear-capable cruise missiles delivered by Ukrainian arms dealers to Iran four years ago but divulged by Ukrainian opposition officials only recently.

The smaller weapons and related material Iran is amassing may not be as eye-catching.

But they are of U.S. concern because of their origin -- through U.N.-funded programs or technically advanced Western countries -- and because they could harm U.S. troops in Iraq, Afghanistan or ultimately Iran, which President Bush has not ruled out as a military target.

Iran says it needs the satellite network, high-tech small arms bought on the European arms market and night-vision goggles, body armor and advanced communications gear through the U.N. program to fight drug smugglers pouring in from neighboring Afghanistan.

"We need assistance," Pirouz Hosseini, Iran's chief delegate to U.N. organizations in Vienna told the Associated Press, dismissing U.S. fears as "a political stance not based on realities."

But such high-resolution satellite imagery could reveal what U.S. troops in neighboring Iraq and Afghanistan are doing on the ground -- or they could show the Iranians what the United States is seeing as it spies from outer space for evidence of illicit Iranian nuclear activity.

And with Iran suspected of backing insurgents in Iraq, Washington fears some of the equipment bought in Europe or delivered as part of the U.N.-backed anti-drug fight could be used against U.S. troops there, according to Western diplomats here who are familiar with U.S. concerns.

Austrian officials with access to counterintelligence information said that Iranian diplomats in European capitals routinely focus on securing arms deals. Like the Western diplomats, the officials spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the case.

Just four months ago, U.S. and Austrian authorities arrested two Iranians in Vienna on charges of trying to illegally export thousands of sophisticated American night-vision systems for Tehran's military -- a powerful force in the region.

In a more recent -- and legal -- deal, Iran last month took delivery of hundreds of high-powered armor-piercing snipers' rifles with scopes from an Austrian firm, as part of a consignment for 2,000 of the weapons.

In London, the Foreign Office confirmed 250 night-vision goggles were approved by the British government two years ago for use by Iranian patrols along the Afghan border.

American officials in Vienna and Washington refused to comment on the procurements beyond saying the Bush administration is opposed to all efforts by Iran to buy weapons.


#5

Washington Post
March 26, 2005
Pg. 1

Rice Describes Plans To Spread Democracy

Elections in Egypt Among Priorities

By Glenn Kessler and Robin Wright, Washington Post Staff Writers

Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice yesterday set out ambitious goals for the Bush administration's push for greater democracy overseas over the next four years, including pressing for competitive presidential elections this year in Egypt and women's right to vote in Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries.

Rice, in an interview with Washington Post editors and reporters, said she was guided less by a fear that Islamic extremists would replace authoritarian governments than by a "strong certainty that the Middle East was not going to stay stable anyway." Extremism, she said, is rooted in the "absence of other channels for political activity," and so "when you know that the status quo is no longer defensible, then you have to be willing to move in another direction."

Rice, who became secretary of state two months ago today, took stock of a period of tumultuous change in the one-hour interview, touching on relations with Russia, China, Israel and Latin America and addressing a range of conflicts across the globe.

Since taking charge of State from her predecessor, Colin L. Powell, Rice has moved quickly to put her stamp on the agency, enlisting a tight-knit group of political operatives who make sure the message and images of her diplomacy are consistent with White House policy. Rice has traveled extensively, impressing diplomats in Europe, Asia and the Middle East with a combination of charm and bluntness -- and a clear sense that her words reflect President Bush's thinking.

After Rice canceled a trip to Egypt recently to protest the continued imprisonment of an opposition leader, Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak announced the nation would hold multi-party elections this year for the first time, though with potentially significant caveats. Rice cautioned yesterday that Egyptian elections "will not look like American competitive presidential elections," but she said the United States believes "competitiveness is an important element of the democratic enterprise."

Asked whether she hopes to see women vote in Saudi Arabia, where they are barred, Rice replied: "In terms of women, I hope they are voting everywhere." She said she recalled a photograph of the recent Saudi municipal elections "that was very striking to me": a man having his daughter put his ballot in the box, which she interpreted as demonstrating his hopes for his daughter.

One of the most difficult challenges for the Bush administration is how to balance the push for democracy with its relations with Russia, which has become increasingly authoritarian under President Vladimir Putin.

With Kyrgyzstan this week becoming the third former Soviet republic to fall to a popular uprising, Rice stressed that "nobody is trying to encircle Russia." She said that "the space around Russia" is changing rapidly and the United States is trying to impress upon the Russians that liberalization and democracy around Russia will lead to greater prosperity within Russia.

"It's very important that Russia not get isolated," she said, adding that Russian cooperation during the Kyrgyzstan revolution has been much better after the tensions over the Ukrainian elections last year. "We don't need a new dividing line on the other side of the Ukraine."

Rice, who visited Beijing this week, said she had been told by the Chinese leadership that they will begin to make amends for the recent passage of a law authorizing the use of force against Taiwan if it moves toward formal independence. She said Chinese leaders understood that the law -- mainly drafted for internal political reasons -- had negative consequences overseas. "They talked a good deal about what they were going to try to do to reduce tensions in the Taiwan Straits," she said. "And we'll see. That would be a good next step."

Rice also said she made the case to Chinese officials that they cannot make a distinction between stability on the Korean Peninsula and North Korea possessing nuclear weapons. In more than two years of talks over North Korea's nuclear ambitions, a major problem for U.S. policy has been that China has been hesitant to press North Korea too hard for fears of sparking instability in the closed communist country on its border.

"My discussion with the Chinese was to suggest to them that those two [concepts] are indivisible," Rice said. "They understand that a nuclear North Korea on the Korean Peninsula has potentially unpredictable effects that will not make the Korean Peninsula very stable, will not make the region very stable. And so I didn't find much pushback on that."

Rice denied reports from Israeli officials -- and some U.S. officials -- that the Bush administration had struck an arrangement with Israel that would allow for some settlement growth in Palestinian areas. Israeli officials had said that the administration would allow for growth within settlements as long as additional housing units did not exceed existing construction lines. The U.S.-backed "road map" plan for peace calls for Israel to freeze settlement growth.

Rice said the "only commitment or assurance" was made last April, when Bush announced that because of "new realities on the ground" -- existing settlements in Palestinian areas -- Israel could expect to retain some settlements as part of a final peace deal. She said that since then the United States has asked Israel for more detail on its settlement activity because "there is so much information, misinformation . . . that the picture was just too confusing."

After the interview, Rice called a reporter twice to expand on her remarks on the administration's settlement policy. The administration has had "discussions about steps toward a settlement freeze," she said in one of the phone calls. "But we've never reached closure on that. It's complicated."

On Latin America, Rice said there needs to be "a new focus in the hemisphere on how democratic governments deliver better for their people." With corruption and growing gaps between the wealthy and poor in terms of education and health care, she said the region is increasing susceptible to what she called "a kind of demagoguery about class differences."

"In the hemisphere there's a gap between economies that are growing and the status of people, and it's leading to fertile ground for populism," Rice said. She added there are "very strong signs" that Venezuela -- headed by a president, Hugo Chavez, who makes clear his disdain for the Bush administration -- is interfering in the affairs of Colombia and other countries.

The secretary defended the administration's decision to sell F-16s to Pakistan, even though it is run by a military leader who ousted an elected government in a bloodless coup. Under Gen. Pervez Musharraf, "Pakistan has come a long way, it's on a better trajectory than it's ever been, or that it's been in many, many years," she said.

Rice said that she was struck by the conclusions of the Sept. 11 commission: "Basically invest in the relationship with Pakistan, because if you don't, you're going to create the same situation we created in the '90s," when Pakistan forged close ties with the Taliban in Afghanistan.



#6

Los Angeles Times
March 26, 2005
Pg. 1

Convoy Unprepared For Last, Fatal Run

A series of missteps sent a group of Americans into a gantlet of fiery slaughter in Iraq.

By T. Christian Miller, Times Staff Writer

MOBILE, Ala. — The truckers came from ordinary American towns like this one. They were hauling jet fuel across one of the most dangerous roads in Iraq on a day when the insurgency was exploding. The trucks had no armor. The men had no weapons. Their military escorts didn't even know the route.

As they neared the end of their run, the 26-vehicle convoy trundled into a valley of fire. Insurgents on both sides of the road opened up. Bullets shredded cabs. Rocket-propelled grenades flipped tankers like toys. Thick black smoke blotted out the road.

Trapped, lost, their trucks afire and losing speed, the men desperately pushed on. For five miles, they maneuvered through flames, blood and fear. Some were cut down as they fled crippled vehicles. Others cried for help as they burned. One man, bleeding to death in the arms of a companion, called out his children's names.

The April 9, 2004, mission is best-known for the kidnapping and dramatic escape of its leader, Mississippi dairy farmer Thomas Hamill, whose safe return weeks later was cause for celebration.

But others weren't so lucky. Six truck drivers for Halliburton Co. were killed that day, and nine were injured. One trucker remains missing. Two U.S. soldiers escorting the convoy were killed, and one is missing. Of 43 men on the convoy, 25 were killed or injured.

It remains the deadliest incident involving American contractors in the war in Iraq.

Interviews with surviving drivers and families of the dead, and a U.S. Army report obtained by the Los Angeles Times, show that the U.S. military and Halliburton missed numerous warnings in sending the men on the ill-fated mission.

From the moment it left the gate, the convoy may have been doomed by a series of errors that escalated into disaster.

The documents and interviews show:

*Military bungling and poor communications sent the men onto an active battlefield on a road that was supposed to be closed. A U.S. soldier who approved the route changed his mind minutes later and sent an e-mail advising that the road was closed. He accidentally sent the e-mail to himself, and it never reached the convoy.

*Halliburton agreed to drive the route despite warnings from its own personnel. Another Halliburton convoy traveling the route was hit earlier the same day, losing several vehicles. The leader of that convoy told colleagues that he had e-mailed his superiors about the danger.

*Neither the truckers nor their escorts had prepared for the mission. The destination was changed 15 minutes before the convoy headed out. None of them were familiar with the exact route.

*The military did not follow its own recommendations. An order issued on the morning of the convoy's departure recommended a minimum ratio of one Army soldier to accompany every two Halliburton trucks. The April 9 convoy had six soldiers among 19 trucks.

*Halliburton let its men drive unarmored military vehicles rather than their customary white civilian trucks, making the truckers appear as a military target.

The toll would have been worse if not for the actions of some U.S. soldiers and truckers, survivors said. Contractors and soldiers alike returned fire, and one soldier was awarded the Silver Star for bravery.

Details of the incident raise questions about the nation's expectations of private contractors in war zones — expectations that have reached unprecedented heights in Iraq. They also raise questions about the obligations of their employers.

The U.S. military did not have the capability to move crucial fuel on its own. Military officials put pressure on Halliburton to deliver, fearing shortages as the insurgency gathered steam in southern and central Iraq. An unidentified U.S. commander told his subordinates that Halliburton had to deliver that day.

"Not moving critical support is not an option," he wrote in an e-mail. He ordered additional security measures to mitigate the risk.

In the U.S., the truckers hauled trash and built houses and operated bulldozers. They were not soldiers. But U.S. military commanders ordered them into a battle zone, and Halliburton let them go.

Nearly a year later, nobody has been held publicly accountable for the reported blunders of that Friday. Neither Halliburton nor the U.S. military has announced disciplinary measures.

Col. Gary Bunch, the commander of the 172nd Corps Support Group, whose men escorted the convoy, did not respond to requests for comment. Capt. Jeff Smith, commander of the escort unit, said his men were acting on orders from higher-ups.

"We executed what we were supposed to do," Smith said.

A Halliburton spokeswoman declined to answer specific questions on the April 9 incident. In an e-mail, Beverly Scippa said that the company had launched a program to provide more protection for its trucks and drivers.

"Lives depend on our work, as does the military's ability to carry out its missions," Scippa said. "Employees and subcontractors working in Iraq understand the dangers and difficult conditions involved in working in a war zone and have made courageous decisions to deliver the services necessary to support the troops."

Truck driver Hamill, who still works for Halliburton, said he didn't believe the military could have done anything differently: "They lead, we follow," he said.

The families say their loved ones died in the service of their country. They wonder about the repercussions if a general sent soldiers without training, weapons, armor or adequate communications into a battle zone.

The family of driver Tony D. Johnson, 47, of Riverside, plans to file a lawsuit in state court Monday accusing Halliburton of negligence in his death. It is the first of several lawsuits expected in connection with the case.

Marjorie Bell Smith is the mother of Tim Bell, the Halliburton driver who is missing and presumed dead. Outside a modest brick home in a Mobile suburb one recent spring day, the azalea and dogwood were bursting into bloom. Inside, the family grieved. "We don't want medals," said Smith, 68. "We want the truth."

The morning of April 9, Halliburton driver Steve Fisher called home from a sprawling, dusty airbase near Balad in northern Iraq.

He told his wife, Ingrid, in Virginia Beach, Va., that he was worried. It was a religious holiday in Iraq. The Marines were invading Fallouja. The Mahdi Army, the militia of rebel cleric Muqtada Sadr, had just risen in revolt in Najaf.

"I don't want to go out," he told her. "But I have to."

"That was the last time I spoke to him," recalled Ingrid, 39, who is now struggling to raise three children on her salary as director of a day-care center.

The base near Balad, also known as Camp Anaconda, is the primary distribution hub for the U.S. military in Iraq. The military controls the base, but relies on Halliburton to supply housing and deliver food and other essentials. The Houston company also delivers fuel in Iraq, including jet fuel for U.S. aircraft.

The night before, Halliburton had gathered with the military to plan a mission north to a military base. But the next morning, as the men waited to depart, a Humvee pulled up with new orders: The men were to go to the northern gate of Baghdad's international airport, 40 miles to the south. The airport was in urgent need of fuel, an official later said.

It is unclear who ordered the change. But at 9:54 a.m., an unidentified soldier relayed orders from the headquarters of the 13th Corps Support Command to send the convoy toward the airport's rarely used north gate.

Three minutes later, the same soldier sent a second e-mail to the command of the convoy's military escort: "Sorry, it looks like [the route to the north gate] is closed until further notice."

But by mistake, he sent the e-mail to himself, according to the Army report.

Out in the dusty staging area, the military hurriedly found a soldier from another unit who had been on the route before. With no maps, the single soldier who knew the route sketched it in the dirt for everyone to follow.

The convoy loaded up and headed south — directly toward intense fighting then underway between the U.S. 1st Cavalry Division and 200 to 300 well-armed members of the Mahdi Army.

The sergeant selected to guide the convoy later called it criminal that supervisors failed to relay intelligence on the road's dangers.

The convoy started out routinely, moving down the main highway outside Balad to Baghdad on a sunny day. There were 26 vehicles — 19 Halliburton trucks carrying 125,000 gallons of jet fuel interspersed with seven armored military vehicles.

The soldiers from the 724th Transportation Company, based in Bartonville, Ill., were reservists who had recently arrived in Iraq. Their Humvees and 5-ton gun trucks carried grenade launchers and heavy machine guns.

Normally, Halliburton uses white trucks to emphasize their civilian status to potential enemies. But Halliburton was short on trucks, and the military had deeded over some of its unarmored vehicles to the company. So on April 9, the convoy that rolled out of Balad appeared to be a long green line of camouflaged military vehicles.

Just after 12:30 p.m., about five miles from the airport, the convoy began taking fire. Bullets tore into the fuel tankers. Fuel sprayed everywhere, coating the road and the trucks. RPGs flew in. Mortar shells roared overhead.

The soldiers later told investigators it was unlike anything they had seen before.

"Hell broke loose," one soldier said.

The Halliburton and military drivers at the front of the convoy were hit. The lieutenant in command, Matt Brown, was shot in the face and slumped over in his seat. Hamill's truck and a second truck were struck by gunfire and had to pull over.

As a Humvee drove past, Hamill and his driver abandoned their trucks and ran toward it. The driver, Nelson Howell, 44, of Huntsville, Ala., made it. Hamill did not. He was seized by insurgents.

The rest of the convoy got bogged down in gunfire and flames. As the jet fuel spilled out, the roads became as slippery as ice. Some trucks jackknifed and flipped, catching fire. The trucks struggled to negotiate a hairpin turn on an exit ramp leading to the airport.

Damaged trucks began to lose power and slowed to less than 10 mph as drivers frantically mashed gas pedals. Insurgent roadblocks and the burning tankers made maneuvering difficult. Speed, the truckers' only defense, was gone.

As the stricken convoy limped ahead, truck-to-truck communications were sporadic. Even when the radios worked, soldiers and truckers couldn't hear over the gunfire. Those who could hear described a horrible soundtrack of pleas from burned and wounded truckers and soldiers. The truck cabs — without any armor — were being sliced to pieces.

"Oh God, please don't let me die in Iraq," yelled one trucker, a Vietnam vet.

Eddie Sanchez, 36, a fellow driver, said: "Then he yelped like bullets were hitting him. Then he stopped. It was kind of a relief."

The first few fuel tankers struggled ahead. But those in the middle of the convoy were destroyed by bullets and rocket-propelled grenades. That is where five of the six confirmed dead Halliburton drivers and one of the U.S. soldiers were killed, according to interviews and the Army report.

Those bringing up the rear were greeted with a hellish scene of fire, flying bullets and dying men. But there were no options. The highway, with steep walls and homes on one side and a median on the other, had become a gantlet of death.

Enemy fighters darted out of bushes and from roadside berms, and popped out of houses. Some took cover behind women veiled in black. Children fired AK47s.

"It was just like something you would see in the movies," one soldier, Jarob Walsh, wrote later in his report for investigators. He recounted with regret shooting a boy about 7 years old in the throat after the youngster and his brother opened fire on him.

"We kept going, and came upon five or six … tanker trucks that had been blown up and were on fire; there was black smoke everywhere," he said. "We drove right through it, praying that we would not hit any debris in the fire; we couldn't see anything. It was extremely hot in the fire and there was so much black smoke everywhere that I couldn't breathe.

"It was phenomenal — there is no way to exaggerate what was happening and what it looked like," Walsh continued. "The most horrible thing you could imagine is what it looked like. Bodies everywhere, trucks on fire and exploding, so much weapons fire."

A handful of soldiers and drivers who survived the onslaught huddled near the ruins of their crippled vehicles and prayed for rescue. The intensity of the fright fills them to this day. As trucker Jackie Lester thinks back, he seems transformed.

"I was scared. I was like this: uhhh," the Louisianan said, keening and clenching his fists. "The fear was set in. We were all scared. I was scared to death. All I saw was burning. I said, 'I'll try to find the end of the rainbow.' I was in the kill zone."

Lester and Fisher brought up the rear in two bobtails, trucks without trailers designated to pick up stragglers. Desperately searching for the voices they heard calling out over the radio, Fisher managed to pick up one soldier and a driver before receiving a fatal wound.

Lester rescued another driver. But he is still haunted by one voice, screaming at him to come back. Lester had no idea where the man was or how to get to him, he said.

"I could hear him saying, 'Jack, you bastard, come back!,' " said Lester. "I couldn't handle that. I didn't want to answer. I didn't want to tell him, 'I can't help you.' "

A Humvee wound through the smoking ruins of the convoy, taking fire at every step, rescuing seven soldiers and drivers. The men worked as a team. Soldiers bandaged wounds; so did Halliburton drivers. Soldiers fired at insurgents; so did Halliburton workers.

"Everybody was working together. The panic went by us," said Ray Stannard, a trucker from New Mexico.

Within sight of the airport gate, the Humvee suddenly broke down. The 10 men packed inside were stranded, taking fire, running out of ammo. Some were wounded and at least one soldier, Pfc. Gregory Goodrich, 37, was killed.

Just as desperation set in, the men heard a screeching noise. Off in the distance, the men saw three tanks and two armored Humvees rolling in their direction. The 1st Cavalry had arrived.

"It was like an old John Ford-John Wayne cavalry movie," one of the soldiers would later write.

The 1st Cavalry soldiers managed to collect the survivors at the edge of the airport. There, they took stock of the dead and wounded.

It was a grim tally. The 25 casualties among 43 men in the convoy was a high casualty rate even for a hardened infantry unit. Two men, driver Bell and Spc. Keith "Matt" Maupin, remain missing and are presumed dead.

The Army awarded eight Purple Hearts to its soldiers. Spc. Jeremy Church, of the 724th Transportation Company, was awarded the Silver Star for driving through fire to safety, and then returning with the 1st Cavalry soldiers to rescue comrades.

Surviving Halliburton employees got gold coins inscribed with a motto: "We deliver."

"They did deliver, didn't they?" Sanchez, a driver, asked with bitterness in his voice. "Even though they knew it was a red zone" too dangerous to drive through.

Earlier this year, the Army began visiting the families of the dead and missing truckers. It was their first official explanation of what occurred April 9.

For many, it provided little comfort.

Bunch, commander of the 172nd, said the Army was taking the unusual step of opening its files because of the extraordinary circumstances surrounding the ambush.

We "had not been attacked like this before. It was a wholly singular event and it was a watershed in Iraq," he said, according to a tape recording of one of the meetings obtained by The Times. "Were they in the right place doing the right thing? The answer is yes."

Bunch told the families that the convoy took the route leading to the airport's north gate because of intelligence reports that an ambush was planned along another route.

But he did not explain why that same intelligence failed to reveal the insurgents massed along the north airport road; why neither the military nor Halliburton was able to communicate the dangers of the route to Balad; or why the convoy was not given air support like another nearby convoy had received that same day.

Bunch's 280-page report, while heavily censored to protect identities and military tactics, is blunt on the failures to communicate:

"The information that was not forwarded had a direct influence into the outcome of this convoy," the report said. "If the information was properly sent to subordinate units, actions could have been taken to potentially minimize impact of hostile engagement."

The families say that a lawsuit may help to relieve financial burdens that they now face. While private truckers in Iraq can make $100,000 a year, several of those killed in the convoy had worked there only a few months. Most families received a $50,000 life insurance payment.

"We were high school sweethearts. We wanted to retire to a cabin in the woods and to go fishing. That's it. That was denied because of others' mistakes," said Hollie A. Hulett, 49, of Manistee, Mich., whose husband, Stephen, 48, was killed in the ambush. He left three children in college.

But the families say they are more interested in answers than money.

Kim Johnson is the former wife of Tony D. Johnson, the Riverside victim, and the mother of their grown daughter, April. In her home in a middle-class neighborhood in Riverside, she leafs through pictures that Tony took only days before the convoy attack.

"They can't just walk away from this," she said, her eyes tearing. "This man will not have died in vain. He will not. He will not."



#7

Los Angeles Times
March 26, 2005

Attacks On Perceived Collaborators Kill 19 Iraqis

A general is assassinated with his son, cleaning women are shot to death and suicide bombers strike security forces. A Marine also is killed.

By Doug Smith, Times Staff Writer

BAGHDAD — Attacks apparently targeting Iraqis perceived as cooperating with the United States killed a general and at least 18 other people and wounded at least 24, U.S. and Iraqi officials said Friday. A Marine was killed and two American soldiers reportedly were among the wounded.

Maj. Gen. Suleiman Mohammed, who commanded an Iraqi national guard division in the southern city of Basra, was assassinated Friday in Baghdad as he and his two sons were driving to a funeral, a source in the Iraqi government said. The assailants, firing from another car, also killed one of the general's sons and wounded the other.

The Al Qaeda Organization for Holy War in Iraq claimed in an Internet statement to have carried out the assassination, Reuters news agency reported.

This morning, the U.S. military announced that a Marine assigned to the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force was killed in action Friday in Al Anbar province. No details were given.

On Thursday, suicide bombings killed at least 10 Iraqi police officers in the cities of Ramadi and Iskandariya. In addition, five women employed as cleaners at a U.S. Army base near Baghdad were gunned down as they drove home from work.

The killings in Ramadi, about 60 miles west of Baghdad, appeared to signal sharp sectarian tensions in an area where the population is almost entirely Sunni Muslim Arab. To keep order and hunt insurgents, the Iraqi government has sent in national security forces often made up of Kurds or Shiite Arabs from southern Iraq who are resented by the fiercely independent and deeply tribal residents.

The Ramadi attack targeted a checkpoint manned by Iraqi national guardsmen and police, said 1st Lt. Ali Salem of the Al Anbar provincial police. Americans with the 2nd Marine Division were nearby but not at the spot where the bomber detonated his vehicle.

"All the … casualties are not natives of Anbar; rather, they are from the south of Iraq," Salem said. He put the death toll at 14, but the U.S. reported only six.

The U.S.-led multinational force issued a statement saying a vehicle had approached the checkpoint about 7 p.m. and the bomber detonated explosives. Army Staff Sgt. Don Dees said an investigation was underway. He would not comment on injuries to U.S. personnel, but Reuters reported that two American soldiers, along with nine Iraqi police officers and three civilians, were injured in the blast.

The incident followed an attack earlier in the week on six Iraqi policemen patrolling an area between Ramadi and the nearby city of Fallouja, noted Mohammed Jarnan, a prominent figure in the Golan neighborhood of Fallouja. He and others said they had been treated disrespectfully by security forces from elsewhere in Iraq.

The six officers were killed "while they were on patrol because they made some lewd remarks to some woman…. People have to protect their honor," he said.

Col. Shaker Dulaimi, Anbar's police chief, indicated the depth of concern over the presence of outsiders on Thursday when he announced he was ready to deploy 6,000 local police officers across Anbar after receiving complaints from tribal chiefs and other leaders about the attitude of the police and national guard forces that are made up mainly of Shiite Muslims from the south.

In the Iskandariya attack, about 25 miles south of Baghdad, a bomber blew up his car near an Iraqi army convoy. The explosion killed four soldiers and wounded nine civilians and soldiers, Reuters reported.

The five women shot to death Thursday were from the same family, including three sisters in their 30s and 40s and the daughters of the two eldest sisters. All worked at Rustamiya, a military base south of Baghdad known to Americans as Camp Cuervo, said a co-worker who asked not to be identified for fear of becoming a target as well.

Witnesses said the youngest sister was driving her family members home in the early afternoon and had nearly reached the first house, in the Baghdad suburb of Mashtal, when two cars approached. Masked men in black opened fire with automatic weapons, then one got out of his vehicle to shoot each victim with a pistol, the co-worker said.

The attack was reminiscent of two assaults last year on vehicles carrying female Iraqi workers to and from U.S. camps.

Like those, the latest attack appeared to be directed against those perceived as collaborating with occupation forces. But the victims in last year's slayings were Christian, and those attacked Thursday were Sunni Muslim. The women's family was linked to deposed dictator Saddam Hussein.

The co-worker said the husband of the eldest sister had been a member of Hussein's Baath Party and was killed shortly after the U.S. occupation began in 2003. Two surviving sisters work for the U.S. base as interpreters, but they may now quit their jobs, the co-worker said.

One of the dead women also had a daughter working as an engineer in the fortified section of Baghdad known as the Green Zone, he said.

He described the slain women as well-liked and kind.

"They didn't deserve to be killed in such a savage way," he said.

A special correspondent in Ramadi contributed to this report.



#8

New York Times
March 26, 2005

23 Are Killed In A Series Of Attacks Across Iraq

By Robert F. Worth

BAGHDAD, Iraq, March 25 - A string of suicide bombings and armed attacks across central and northern Iraq on Thursday and Friday left at least 23 people dead, officials said.

The attacks, ending a week of relative quiet, included three suicide car bombings, the assassination of a high-ranking police official, and the killing of five Iraqi women who did cleaning for the American military.

In Ramadi, west of the capital, a suicide bomber drove a sedan packed with explosives into a checkpoint at the city's eastern border on Thursday evening, killing 9 Iraqi police commandos and wounding 16, Interior Ministry officials said. American military officials later said 11 Iraqi commandos had been killed, according to Reuters. Two American soldiers and two Iraqi civilians were also wounded, the Americans said.

The Islamic Army of Iraq, a militant group, posted a statement on Islamist Web sites on Friday claiming responsibility for the attack.

In southern Baghdad, the five cleaning women were shot dead on Thursday afternoon as they drove home together, Interior Ministry officials said. The attackers drove up and opened fire on the group, made up of three sisters and two friends. Many civilians working for Americans or for the Iraqi interim government have been killed in recent months, including a large number of women. In some cases, their bodies have been found with the word "collaborator" pinned to them.

Also in the capital, gunmen shot to death Maj. Gen. Salman Muhammad, the commander of an Iraqi Army brigade based in Basra, as he drove away from a friend's funeral, Interior Ministry officials said. The general's two sons were wounded in the attack, the officials said.

In Iskandariya, a recurrently violent area south of the capital, a suicide bomber detonated his vehicle near an Iraqi Army convoy on Friday, killing four soldiers and wounding nine soldiers and civilians, Reuters reported, based on a police account. In Baquba, northeast of Baghdad, insurgents fired rocket-propelled grenades at an American patrol Thursday night, starting a firefight in which three of the attackers were killed, witnesses said. There were no reports of American casualties.

[A United States marine was killed in action on Friday in Anbar Province, the military said Saturday, Reuters reported. A statement from the Marines gave no further details.]

Southeast of the capital, gunmen attacked a convoy of trucks loaded with steel on Friday morning, seizing one truck and killing the driver, Interior Ministry officials said. The remaining trucks escaped to Baghdad.

Violence also broke out in Falluja, the former insurgent stronghold west of Baghdad where American marines led a huge invasion in November. An Iraqi peace officer was killed when his vehicle came under fire, witnesses said, and afterward American and Iraqi forces imposed an early curfew, forcing residents to return to their homes. Since Falluja's residents began returning to the city three months ago, American and Iraqi forces have maintained strict control over it, with checkpoints at all entrances and night curfews.

Northwest of Baghdad, Iraqi police commandos provided some new details about a raid on Tuesday on a lakeside insurgent training camp in which dozens of insurgents were reported killed. Although Iraqi commandos led the raid, most of the insurgents were killed by the American helicopter gunships they called in, Maj. Sarmut Hussein, a police commando, said in an interview at his headquarters in Samarra.

"We couldn't use a ground assault because of the nature of the terrain," Major Hussein said. "It's very marshy. So we called in helicopters."

Maj. Richard Goldenberg, a spokesman for the 42nd Infantry Division, which sent the helicopters, agreed the helicopter strikes enabled the Iraqi commandos to take the camp. Iraqi officials have said at least 80 insurgents were killed in the raid, but American military officials have declined to give a number. On Friday, Major Goldenberg deferred to the Interior Ministry on the question of how many fighters were killed. Body counts have often been difficult to confirm, and on some occasions, notably in Falluja in November, few bodies have been found after battles in which Iraqi or American military officials said large numbers of insurgents had been killed.

Major Hussein said the insurgents were mostly foreign Arabs and that a Filipino and an Algerian were among the dead. The Iraqi commandos still have the area around the lake surrounded, making it difficult for civilians to get close, he added.

Khalid Hassan contributed reporting from Samarra for this article, and Edward Wong from Baghdad.



#9

Washington Post
March 26, 2005
Pg. 11

17 Iraqis Killed In Insurgent Attacks

Police and Civilians Are Hit Hardest as American Forces Pull Back to Bases

By Ellen Knickmeyer, Washington Post Foreign Service

BAGHDAD, March 25 -- Suicide bombs and a street shooting killed at least 17 Iraqis working with U.S. forces, ranging from U.S.-trained special commandos to female workers at a U.S. military base, the American military and the Iraqi police said Friday.

In the bloodiest of at least five assaults reported Friday, a bomber detonated a vehicle loaded with explosives at a checkpoint near the western city of Ramadi late Thursday, killing 11 members of an Iraqi police commando force. The attack also killed the bomber and wounded two U.S. soldiers and 11 Iraqi civilians and commandos, said Capt. Jeffrey Pool, a spokesman for the 2nd Marines Division.

Iraqi forces are bearing the brunt of attacks by guerrillas combating the two-year-old U.S. military occupation and the Iraqi government-building effort it supports. U.S. forces are pulling back inside their bases in Baghdad and other regions as they try to shift security duties to Iraqi forces.

The 11 Iraqis killed at Ramadi were members of the 2nd Iraqi Special Police Commandos, among the most highly trained troops in the armed forces rebuilding effort, which the United States has identified as its top priority in Iraq.

U.S. Marines and Iraqi forces set up checkpoints in late February to screen trucks, cars, horse carts, cyclists and pedestrians moving in and out of Ramadi in an effort to halt the flow of guns and bombs into Anbar province, a Sunni Muslim-dominated area that is one of Iraq's most violent.

A second bomb attack on Ramadi's outskirts, on Friday morning, involved two men who jumped from a vehicle seconds before it exploded, the U.S. military said in a statement. There were no injuries, the military said, but the two men escaped in a truck.

In eastern Baghdad, attackers fired machine guns at a vehicle carrying female translators home from a U.S. military base late Thursday, killing five of the women, the Associated Press quoted Baghdad police as saying.

In Iskandariyah, south of Baghdad, a driver pulled his car alongside a convoy of Iraqi troops and set off explosives packed inside, killing one Iraqi soldier and wounding three, said Maj. Gen. Qais Hamza, the provincial police chief.

Meanwhile, a police commando leader who identified himself only as Abu Ghadab, or "Father of Rage," reaffirmed Friday that his men had killed about 80 insurgents in a raid Tuesday on an alleged guerrilla camp north of Baghdad.

Iraqi officials called the raid the most significant operation yet by its nascent security forces. U.S. officers have agreed the operation was significant but questioned the death toll, saying U.S. forces had seen no bodies. However, Abu Ghadab insisted that his men had turned over the bodies to U.S. forces and said the dead included more than 30 Chechens, Saudis, Afghans and other foreigners.

The Iraqi government, meanwhile, remained in flux. Negotiators said members of the new parliament hoped to meet Monday to announce a new government. The session would be only the second since the Jan. 30 elections. Haggling over cabinet seats has caused much of the delay.

Special correspondent Salih Saifaldeen in Hilwa contributed to this report.



#10


#11

New York Times
March 26, 2005

Vital Signs Of A Ruined Falluja Grow Stronger

By Robert F. Worth

FALLUJA, Iraq, March 20 - Four months after American bombs and guns pounded much of this city into ruins, some signs of life are returning. A kebab shop and a bakery have reopened on the bullet-scarred main boulevard. About a third of the city's 250,000 residents have trickled back since early January. American marines and Iraqi police officers patrol the streets, and there has been little violence.

But the safety has come at a high price. To enter Falluja, residents must wait about four hours to get through the rigid military checkpoints, and there are strict nightly curfews. That has stunted the renascent economy and the reconstruction effort. It has also frustrated the residents, who are still coming to grips with their shattered streets and houses. Many have jobs or relatives outside the city.

"Falluja is safe," said Hadima Khalifa Abed, 42, who returned to her ruined home in January with her husband and 10 children. "But it is safe like a prison."

American military officials here say they face a difficult choice. Easing the harsh security measures might help revive the economy and cut the 50 percent unemployment rate; it could also allow the return of the insurgents who ran Falluja from last April until the American intervention in November. Even now, insurgents lob occasional mortar shells into the city, and a number of contractors have been killed here.

There are other obstacles. Falluja still lacks a mayor and a city council because of the new Iraqi National Assembly's failure to form a government. The American military is reluctant to make decisions that will shape the city for decades, and the resulting power vacuum has been crippling.

Hundreds of new police officers, trained in Jordan, are expected to arrive in the city soon, American military officials say. Nongovernmental organizations have donated truckloads of equipment for fire stations, hospitals and schools. But there are no police stations for the officers to work in, and there are no new fire stations because no one has the authority to decide where to build them.

"Without a mayor, no one settles the disputes," said an American military official who is involved in the reconstruction effort and who spoke on the condition of anonymity. "Without a city council how do you get a design approved, and how do you coordinate a plan for a functioning city?"

All the same, much has improved since residents first returned to a nearly deserted city almost three months ago.

On a tour of the city's central neighborhoods with an American convoy, civilian cars and taxis could be seen cruising the streets. Customers shopped at fruit and vegetable markets, and a crowd waited outside a new branch of the Rafidain Bank.

At the Palestine School, where classes started again two months ago, the cheerful shrieks of students could be heard in the hallways.

"Things are almost back to normal here," said the headmaster, Samer Eyd Jawhar, 60, a portly man in a light blue jacket and tie. "We have teachers and books. Things are getting better."

Everywhere, there are complaints about the strict military control of the city. Najim Abed, the director of an emergency clinic, said its one ambulance often has trouble getting in and out of the city. It is also hard to reach patients at night, because the ambulance must be accompanied by a military patrol, he said.

There are still two battalions of marines operating in the city, with some added units like a Navy Seabee engineering team. There are at least two battalions of Iraqi police officers, though military officials declined to give any exact figures.

Meanwhile the rebuilding efforts are proceeding, however slowly. After the American incursion in November, Falluja's utilities lay in ruins. Today, electricity and running water are available in 40 percent of the city's homes and shops, American officials say, and will reach the rest within the next month. The sewer drainage system is working again, and longer-term plans are under way to completely replace the city's rickety electri